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Based on parental feedback during pilot testing, we modified the original 7-point response scale to incorporate just four choices: After the two lying items were reverse scored, internal consistency was assessed. The two lying items reduced the internal consistency of the scale, and an exploratory factor analysis indicated that the two lying-focused items loaded onto one factor while the five confession-focused items loaded onto another.

One parent did not properly complete the parent survey; thus, analyses involving the parent-report confession data included 47 data points instead of Each child was presented with two illustrated stories depicting moral transgressions committed by a fictional transgressor story outlines were adapted from Lake et al.

In one story, the transgressor 3 stole candy from a friend Stealing Story , and in the other story, the transgressor pushed a child to the ground in order to obtain a playground swing Aggression Story. Each story contained three distinct episodes: All children heard one story in which Episode 3 consisted of a confession and one story in which Episode 3 consisted of a lie.

Half of the children heard the Stealing Story end with a lie and the Aggression Story end with a confession, and the remaining children heard the reverse arrangement; story order was counterbalanced across children. Interview questions followed each episode in each story. In Episode 1, after the transgressor committed the self-serving moral transgression, children were asked: In Episode 2, after the transgressor chose to not disclose his misdeed, the same three questions were asked again, with specific reference to the act of non-disclosure.

In Episode 3, after the transgressor was shown breaking his silence and speaking to his mother about the focal event with either a lie or a confession , children were asked another round of emotion attribution questions about the transgressor what emotion, how much, and why. A manipulation check was used in the Lying Condition to ensure that children were aware of the fabrication.

After Bill told his mom about taking the candy, how do you think his mom feels? She might be mad that he took the candy…but how does she feel about Bill telling her that he had done something wrong? Will she feel happy or mad that he told her? This line of questioning was drawn almost directly from Lake et al. First, it was designed to ensure that children provided an answer to the particular question being asked: This step was taken out of concern that the 4-toyear-olds would be especially likely to focus on the transgression when attributing an emotion to the mother, and would thus fail to provide data on the question of interest.

All of the emotion terms children supplied during the interview e. Next, all of the coded, valenced responses were assigned intensity scores based on whether children had said that the transgressor was feeling a little or a lot of the stated emotion.

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This resulted in a 4-point emotion-attribution scale for all emotion attributions to the transgressor characters: The responses were scored from Across the three episodes, participants were asked to justify their emotion attributions to the transgressor. Interrater agreement was assessed individually for each Episode, and was good for all three episodes Episode 1: We also note that it was not possible to use all of the same coding categories in each episode, because certain codes were not relevant in certain episodes e.

Initial tests for the effects of child gender, condition order, and transgression type aggression vs. However, these variables never emerged as significant, and thus were not included in the analyses reported below. Prior to any questions about emotion, the transgressor in each story was initially shown thinking about stealing or pushing to get an object.

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In response to a simple question about whether such a course of action was right or wrong, all children asserted that it was unacceptable for the transgressor to steal or push to get what he wanted. After children saw the story protagonists satisfy desires via transgression in Episode 1 of both stories, they were asked how these characters would feel. As expected, given that the first episodes in both stories confession vs. Participants primarily justified their attributions using the Transgression-Oriented and Gains-Oriented justification categories in Episode 1. As expected, given the similarities in Episode 1 across the two stories, a McNemar test did not find differences in the types of justifications that children offered based on story type confession vs.

Accordingly, scores were summed across the two stories, such that each child could receive a score of 0, 1, or 2 for each type of justification. Mean scores are shown in Figure 1. The interaction was explored with a series of simple effects analyses. Mean number of Episode 1 justifications offered by children as a function of age and justification type. In the second episode, children were asked how the protagonist would feel about not telling his mother about his misdeed. However, the effect of age was significant. Participants primarily justified their attributions using the Happy Deceiver, Unhappy Deceiver, Sanction-Oriented , and Transgression-Oriented justification categories in Episode 2.

Accordingly, each child was given a score ranging from representing the number of times he or she provided each of the four justification types across the two stories.

Mean scores are shown in Figure 2. Mean number of Episode 2 justifications offered by children as a function of age and justification type. In Episode 3, one of the two stories presented to each child ended with the transgressor lying, and the other ended with the transgressor offering a confession. Mean emotion attributions to the transgressor as a function of episode, child age, and story type for Episode 3.

Analyses of simple effects were used to explore the nature of the interaction. Participants primarily justified their attributions using the Discolsure-Favoring, Sanction-Oriented, Transgression-Oriented , and Happy-Deceiver justification categories in Episode 3. A marginal homogeneity test was used to analyze potential differences in the frequencies of Episode 3 justifications across the Lying and Confession conditions.

The Happy-Deceiver responses were omitted from this analysis, given that these responses were only relevant in the Lying condition. Each child received a score ranging from representing the number of times he or she provided Disclosure-, Sanction-, and Transgression-Oriented justifications across the two stories.

Mean number of Episode 3 justifications offered by children as a function of age and justification type. Children understand from an early age that people feel good when they satisfy their desires, and feel bad when their desires are frustrated Lagattuta, However, a tension exists where self-serving moral transgressions are concerned. When thinking about the emotions that stem from such acts, children are faced with both the achievement of a desired end e.

Children are faced with a similar tension when it comes to deciding whether to lie about or confess to a moral transgression.

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The tension involves weighing personal desires e. Little is known about how children think about the emotional consequences of lying, confessing, and non-disclosure, and how these emotion expectancies relate to actual behavior. Below, we review the key findings in light of the extant literature, and then discuss implications and directions for future research.


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In the context of stories that presented transgressors using aggression or theft to achieve a desire, we first replicated previous findings e. We then introduced a series of story lines in which the transgressors omitted mention of, lied about, or confessed to the misdeeds. A clear difference emerged between the younger and older children in their thinking about the emotional consequences of these acts. The younger children associated more positive feelings with both non-disclosure of and outright lying about the misdeed compared to the older children.

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Conversely, compared to the younger children, the older children associated more negative feelings with non-disclosure and lying, and more positive emotions with telling the truth about a moral transgression. Additionally, throughout the interview, children were probed for their reasoning related to their emotion attributions.

Consistent with our hypotheses, when justifying their positive emotion attributions to transgressors, younger children were more likely to focus on the gains associated with a self-serving transgression and the avoidance of punishment associated with non-disclosure. Conversely, older children were more likely to focus on the guilt and wrongfulness related to transgression, non-disclosure, and lying when justifying their negative emotion attributions to the transgressor.

Further, younger children were also more likely to attribute negative emotions following a confession, focusing on the prospect of punishment, whereas older children were more likely to attribute positive emotions following a confession, focusing on the wrongfulness of lying and of the initial transgression. For example, just as some children expect a protagonist to feel good after stealing a moral breach because he got what he wanted e.

Children who spontaneously expected the mother to feel positively about the confession were more likely to be rated by their parents as prone to confessing transgressions in the home, compared to children who needed more prompting to conceive of the possibility that a parent would react positively to a confession. For example, Lagattuta showed that, between the ages of 5 and 7, children increasingly link positive emotions to acts of willpower i. The act of confessing to a misdeed can be seen as a type of willpower act that involves overriding a response -- lying or non-disclosure -- that results in a benefit.

Moral development can been viewed as growth across the areas of cognition, behavior, and emotion. As such, emotions both experienced and anticipated have been a key focus for many researchers interested in moral cognition and behavior e. However, a number of recent studies have shown that such associations do indeed exist. In a study with adolescents, Krettenauer and Eichler found that children who anticipated feeling bad about committing a desire-satisfying transgression were less likely to be involved in delinquent behavior.

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