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The Struggle for Socialism Aldwyn Clarke. orientation of the socialist system. Cockshott and Cottrell linked the fall of the soviet system of economy to the form of.
Table of contents

However, the collapse of the Portuguese colonial forces in Mozambique, Angola, Guinea, and Sao Tome, and the collapse of the white racist military forces in Southern Rhodesia now Zimbabwe , gradually led to a rethinking of this strategy. During this period the United States had labeled all African freedom fighters as terrorists; there was not one African independence struggle that the United States supported. This branding of freedom fighters as terrorists, and the propping up of apartheid and destabilization in Africa, is better understood against the background of the global politics of the Cold War.

The case of subjugating French capital was less straightforward. Under de Gaulle, France had let go of Algeria and Guinea but clung on to the remaining African colonial areas with such tenacity that well into the twenty-first century the CFA Central African Franc still subjects fourteen former colonies to the monetary control of the French treasury, while a dominating influence is maintained over military, cultural, and economic affairs.

Facing deep popular resistance to its dominion, the United States has promoted the view that Africa was a space for instability and a recruiting ground for international terrorists. Despite this propaganda, leaders such as Mandela and Desmond Tutu had opposed the U. The Libyan leadership had long shown an ambivalence to the West and their persistent economic nationalism threatened Western imperialism, especially when Muamar Gaddafi began a discussion about harnessing the financial reserves of Libya to be the foundation for a proposed common African currency.

NATO invaded Libya under the pretext of protecting Libyans, but in the invasion and post-invasion enormous numbers of Libyans were killed—by the invading forces and then by those forces that succeeded Gaddafi—and the society is now impoverished and overrun with marauding militias. Africa has been a weak front for NATO because, although there were many authoritarian leaders in Africa, the anti-imperialist traditions were so deep that no major African state could offer the U.

Although the preferred form of intervention and control have been the hundreds of thousands of international non-governmental organizations NGOs , a minority actually spending their resources on useful projects, preparations for the use of military force have grown steadily. As a part of Pentagon capitalism, and the promotion of high-priority military spending, a massive intelligence and surveillance system was perfected under the National Security Agency to control all forms of information, including the fabrication of terrorism to justify the deployment of military resources in Africa.

Jeremy Keenan has documented the fabrication of terrorism by U.


American imperialism

Even with the presence of some 5, U. Melvin Goodman, in National Insecurity: The Cost of American Militarism , offers estimates of the numbers of U. In Europe, there are more than 80, military personnel overall, with 40, in Germany alone, 11, in Italy, and over 9, in Britain. In the Persian Gulf, there are over 15,; 11, are in Kuwait, while the Fifth Fleet, stationed in Bahrain, has over 3, military personnel.

This does not include the numbers of U. Modern imperialism counters the persistent anti-imperialism in Africa by the deployment of NGOs and private military contractors. Recent exposures of the role of NGOs in subversion in Africa and Latin America Cuba and Venezuela exposed the role of nonmilitary personnel in work with a decided intelligence and military aspect. These NGOs are clearly deemed to be force multipliers for U. Inter-imperialist rivalry between the Europeans and the United States was subdued but persisted even after the Second World War.

However it has now been submerged in the profound global changes that followed the breakdown of the Western financial system in September Prior to this period, Western imperialism, effectively unopposed after the demolition of the USSR, pressured African states through structural adjustment programs imposed through the IMF.

Africa Command was being formed, J. With the rapid growth of the Chinese economy there has been an outcry that there is a new scramble for Africa, and that the Chinese are the new imperialists in Africa. Mention is made of land grabbing, Chinese investments, and the massive use of Chinese labor in Africa. It was earlier noted that Lenin wrote that in the imperialist stage one of the distinguishing features of capitalism is that there is the export of capital. Yet it would be simplistic to argue that China is imperialist because there are large-scale Chinese investments in Africa.

Moreover, the emphasis of many of these criticisms is on investments by Chinese state companies, while the much larger, and more clearly exploitative, role of Western multinational corporations is rendered invisible in this accounting due to their private nature. Ironically, questions of Chinese imperialism in Africa have been coming primarily from the West and not from Africa, where Chinese involvement and quite different ways of doing business are generally viewed as a counterpoint to the collective imperialism of the triad.

Where the Chinese state can be legitimately criticized is in relation to the exploitation of Chinese and African workers alike, and for its history of lack of respect for environmental standards. Chinese investment in African infrastructure has at best created an imperfect alternative for Africa to the existing forms of U. It is in a new anti-imperialist particularly South-South alliance across the planet that one can situate the call by Amin for the radical left to chart a new course beyond obsolete capitalism.

The call for a new anti-imperialist alliance is even more pertinent in the context of the pressures towards global war from the imperialist centers. One hundred years after the start of the first imperialist war in there is great danger of another major international conflagration in a world where the United States, through its control of the dollar, has been able to capture value on a global scale and dominate the international political system, and now sees its dominant position under threat. One of the challenges of the present moment is to strengthen the anti-imperialist and peace forces in the United States to break the power of those sections of the U.

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In this challenge the African population in the United States has a strategic role to play in concert with the global anti-imperialist forces; an advanced section of this population has long been in alliance with the anti-imperialist and national liberation forces in Africa.

It is in this sense that the Black Lives Matter campaign becomes part of the global anti-imperialist chain and seeks to mobilize young citizens to counter the kind of manipulation by the U. At the beginning of this paper we drew attention to the changed international situation and the ways in which the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt brought to the fore new forms of political struggles. These struggles built on the long traditions of political organizing in Africa from the period of the youth of Soweto, who fought against apartheid, to the massive demonstrations that removed Hosni Mubarak in Egypt.

These struggles called for international solidarity at a moment when the new forms of capitalist exploitation were leading to the globalization of apartheid. From the anti-apartheid struggles, a new conception of humanity emerged, that is the concept of Ubuntu , or linked humanity. Both Mandela and Tutu articulated the ideals of Ubuntu which was a direct challenge to the racist conceptions of the hierarchy of human beings. It speaks of the fact that my humanity is caught up and inextricably bound up in yours. I am human because I belong. It is not by accident that it is the same energy—of the need to humanize the planet—that inspires the environmental justice movements in Africa.

Tutu took the principles of Ubuntu into the struggles for climate justice and worked with those who are seeking to heal the planet. These struggles merge with the international struggles for reparative justice. Out of these struggles for climate justice have emerged new global alliances, especially from the South where there is now a common language of struggle. Activists from the global South are calling for the anti-imperialist forces internationally to make common cause against war in this moment of capitalist crisis.

Experiences of the citizens of Nigeria, especially the Niger Delta, has expanded the global understanding of the rapacious activities of the oil companies. African activists have used the experiences of the Niger River Delta to indict global capitalism in its destruction of the planet earth.

Since the specific political features of imperialism are reaction everywhere and increased national oppression due to the oppression of the financial oligarchy and the elimination of free competition, a petty-bourgeois-democratic opposition to imperialism arose at the beginning of the twentieth century in nearly all imperialist countries. Kautsky not only did not trouble to oppose, was not only unable to oppose this petty-bourgeois reformist opposition, which is really reactionary in its economic basis, but became merged with it in practice, and this is precisely where Kautsky and the broad international Kautskian trend deserted Marxism.

This is also the main attitude taken by Hobson in his critique of imperialism. The petty-bourgeois point of view in the critique of imperialism, the omnipotence of the banks, the financial oligarchy, etc. Eschwege, and among the French writers Victor Berard, author of a superficial book entitled England and Imperialism which appeared in This applies also to the compiler of international stock and share issue statistics, A.

He takes the statistics of the British export and import trade with Egypt for and ; it seems that this export and import trade has grown more slowly than British foreign trade as a whole. Spectator, [11] constitutes the basis of Kautskian critique of imperialism, and that is why we must deal with it in greater detail. The reply of the proletariat to the economic policy of finance capital, to imperialism, cannot be free trade, but socialism.

The aim of proletarian policy cannot today be the ideal of restoring free competition—which has now become a reactionary ideal—but the complete elimination of competition by the abolition of capitalism. What does this mean? Let us assume that free competition, without any sort of monopoly, would have developed capitalism and trade more rapidly. But the more rapidly trade and capitalism develop, the greater is the concentration of production and capital which gives rise to monopoly.

And monopolies have already arisen—precisely out of free competition! Even if monopolies have now begun to retard progress, it is not an argument in favour of free competition, which has become impossible after it has given rise to monopoly. Even if we correct this argument and say, as Spectator says, that the trade of the colonies with Britain is now developing more slowly than their trade with other countries, it does not save Kautsky; for it is also monopoly, also imperialism that is beating Great Britain, only it is the monopoly and imperialism of another country America, Germany.

How America became a superpower

It is known that the cartels have given rise to a new and peculiar form of protective tariffs, i. III of Capital [12]. The superiority of German imperialism over British imperialism is more potent than the wall of colonial frontiers or of protective tariffs: It is interesting to note that even the bourgeois economist, A. He did not compare one single country, chosen at random, and one single colony with the other countries; he examined the export trade of an imperialist country: He obtained the following results:. Lansburgh did not draw conclusions and therefore, strangely enough, failed to observe that if the figures prove anything at all, they prove that he is wrong, for the exports to countries financially dependent on Germany have grown more rapidly, if only slightly, than exports to the countries which are financially independent.

It was used chiefly to purchase railway materials in Germany. In , German exports to Rumania amounted to 55 million marks. Its specific task is to guard against the emergence of revolutionary Arab nationalism, but it also provides many other useful services for U. In exchange for these valuable contributions to imperial control of the Middle East, the United States generously subsidizes the Israeli economy enabling, among other things, the Zionist state to devote a huge share of GDP to military expenditures sometimes as high as 24 percent.

In appreciation of its faithful support for U. By far the most important contribution that Israel made to imperialism was its stunning defeat of Egypt, Syria, and Jordan in the Six Day War of This defeat thoroughly discredited secular Arab nationalism and today, forty-five years later, it still remains impaired. Machover also mentions additional Israeli services to U. Over the years Israel has provided numerous improvements for U.

In Israel saved the pro-U. Hashemite regime in Jordan by forcing a withdrawal of Syrian forces. During the Cold War, Israel gave the Pentagon invaluable information about the vulnerabilities of Soviet offensive and defensive weapons. This list is by no means exhaustive. Three essays in this book outline a socialist resolution of the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians chapters 8, 33, and The ultimate objective is, of course, to create a socialist federation of the entire Middle East. Since any such denouement appears exceedingly unlikely in the foreseeable future, of greater immediate interest are the principles and strategies that socialists might use to resolve the conflict.

One important principle is focusing on liberating people rather than liberating land A focus on liberating people alters the zero-sum nature of the conflict and opens the possibility of mutually beneficial outcomes.

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A second socialist principle involves supporting the national liberation struggles of oppressed people while also upholding an internationalist position that rejects all nationalist ideologies The principle of internationalism insulates socialists from bourgeois nationalist dogmas that foster cultural chauvinism and downplay class struggle. A third socialist principle involves giving equal rights to all legitimate nationalities. This principle is particularly important because Palestinian resistance movements have sometimes refused to acknowledge that Israeli Jews are a real nationality.

Socialist Party of America, – - Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History

With regard to socialist strategy, Machover maintains that both the one-state and the two-state approaches are misguided. Both approaches attempt to extract the Palestinian struggle from its regional Arab context: First, the balance of power within pre— Palestine … is adverse to any just resolution of the conflict. According to Machover, any resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict that socialists could consider just must satisfy three conditions. First and foremost it must establish equal individual and national rights for all people.

Second it must recognize the right of Palestinians to return to their homeland and be compensated for losses of property and livelihood. His writing is accessible to neophytes regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but will also enlighten anyone deeply engaged with the issue. I find the essential consistency of political positions articulated over forty-five tumultuous years of world history to be especially impressive.

I concur with the great majority of the arguments presented in Israelis and Palestinians: Conflict and Resolution , but disagree with the author on two important issues: The concept of national rights as used by Machover is both ambiguous and problematic. He certainly does not encourage national separation, but he also vigilantly opposes any form of national oppression.

Piracy on Dry Land

National rights, as understood by Machover, include linguistic-cultural autonomy, but they also embrace complete political self-determination and the right to form a separate state. The self-determination principle is needed to prevent national oppression and, on a tactical level, to wean the Israeli masses away from Zionism. Yet an unqualified right of national self-determination is a principle laden with booby traps.