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Table of contents
- Cluster von Toponymsuffixen in Deutschland | Isoglosse.
- Update (4.8.2015)
- Cluster von Toponymsuffixen in Deutschland
- -ach, -ingen, -zell
- Update (27.7.2015)
Cluster von Toponymsuffixen in Deutschland | Isoglosse.
Streitfragen aus der altem Wirtschaft [Con- tentions over the earliest economy]. Korre- spondenzblatt der Deutschen Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie, vol. Die Gestim des Wagens [The constellation of the cart]. Die Obstzucht bein den frankischen Konigen [Fruit breeding by the Frankish kings].
Baumrinde — Auerochs [Tree bark-ure-ox]. Korrespondenzblatt der Deutschen Gesell- schaft fiir Anthropologie, vol. Hackbau und Pflugkultur [Hoe farming and plow cultivation]. Die Rolle des Gartenbaus in der Geschichte der Menschheit [The role of garden farming in the history of mankind]. Die Entstehung und geschichtliche Bedeut- ung der Wanderhirten [The origin and his- torical significance of the pastoral nomads]. Zeitschrift fiir Sozialwis sense heft, n. Die Brandwirthschaft in der Bodenkultur [Fire economy in cultivation of the soil]. Nachrichten des Klubs der Landwirte zu Berlin, , pp.
Rivista di Scienza, vol. Die Entstehung des Getreidefeldes [The origin of the grain fields]. Internationale Wochenschrift, , pp. Naturwissenschaftliche Wochen- schrift, n. Die Erkenntnis des heutigen Volkslebens als Aufgabe der Volkskunde [The knowledge of present-day folkways as a problem in folk- lore].
Zeitschrift des Vereins fiir Volkskunde, vol. Deutsche Liter- aturzeitung, , pp. Die Entwicklung des Schiffes und der Seeschiffahrt [The development of ships and seafaring]. Zeitschrift des Verbandes der Diplomingenieure, vol. Wirtschaftliche zur Prahistorie [Economy in prehistory]. Der Klabautermann [The Bogyman]. Zeit- schrift des Vereins fiir Volkskunde, vol. Nachruf [in memo- rium]. Reallexikon der in- do germanischen Alter tumskunde, vol.
Zeitschrift fiir Agrarpolitik, vol. Ein babylonischer Pflug [A Babylonian plow]. Geo- graphische Zeitschrift, vol. Himmelsanschauungen und Himmelseinteil- ung [Concepts of heaven and classifica- tions of heaven], Korrespondenzblatt der Deutschen Ges ells c haft fiir Anthropologie, vol. Wirtschaftsforschung [Research in econom- ics], Zeitschrift fiir Agrarpolitik, vol. Der Gottesfriede [The truce of God]. Zeitschrift fiir Volkskunde, vol. Menschenrassen und Haustiereigenschaften [Human races and characteristics of domes- ticated animals].
Pflugwirtschaft als Zeitbestimmung [Plow economy as chronology]. Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte Vol. I-XV, Berlin, [ short articles on domesticated plants and animals, foods, agricultural practices, etc. Indexed alphabetically in vol. XV, Register, under Hahn, E. Land- wirtschaftliches Jahrbuch, v.
Koloniale Studien , pp. Because of his frequent illnesses caused by an accident in his early youth, he was not able to finish the Gymnasium [high school] in his home city of Liibeck until relatively late. He studied medicine and natural science at Jena, Greifswald, and Leipzig. His doctoral dissertation of , prepared under the direction of Marshall, had a zoogeographic theme as a subject.
Only after that did he begin his study of geography under the great geographer and scientific traveller, Ferd. Richthofen, with whom he soon became quite close. In the autumn of he followed him to Berlin. At the same time his studies led him toward the most difficult problems of the origins of agriculture.
These were subjects of his first publications, even before he terminated his investigation on the origin and history of domesticated animals. By he was able to present in Halle at a meeting of the society of natural scientists and physicians a map of economic forms of the earth which was based entirely upon the new results of his research; at the beginning of the following year it was published in Petermanns Mitteilungen.
In the autumn of , the map was published as an appendix in his book The Domesticated Animals and their Relations to Economy and Man [ Die Haustiere und ihre Beziehungen zur Wirtschaft und zum Menschen]. This was the basic work of Hahn, the starting point for nearly all of his later studies. Of course, earlier, doubts had arisen occasion- ally as to whether the generally accepted three stages of culture of hunter, herdsman, and farmer were really appropriate. Humboldt had contested this theory in its general aspects on the ground of his accurate knowledge of South America.
However, he was not able to establish his viewpoint, especially because the whole concept of historical and cultural evolution was based upon this [the three-stage] theory. Now, suddenly, an entirely new viewpoint was presented, which was strongly opposed to the traditional one; moreover, [it was] a viewpoint proved by many facts and presented clearly on a world map. But still we may be allowed to touch upon it briefly.
The lowest level of the gatherers, existing at present only among a few inhabitants in remote regions, is followed by hoe agriculture, which may be found still today widespread among the native cultures of America, the Negroes of Africa, and among the tribes of the South Seas. The dibble and the hoe are the tools of these planting cultures.
The women work the soil; on her shoulders rests [the responsibility for] the provision of mainly vegetable foods for the tribe, whereas the product of the hunt [obtained by] the man, is unstable and uncertain. In strong contrast to hoe agriculture stands plow culture which makes use of animal power to cultivate the fields.
The draft animal is the ox; the man drives the plow team; small-grain cereals are cultivated. In addition to the ox as a work animal, the cow is used as a producer of milk. These details, different in origin in space and time, seem to have been fused into plow culture within the oldest cultural center, the Near East. It is one of the most characteristic forms of agriculture. In the course of this spread, however, certain elements were lost from plow culture in the remote areas. Thus, the use of milk has not penetrated into China, and the plow has not penetrated into tropical Africa, though cattle have.
Cattle are kept in large herds in eastern and southern Africa, and, for many tribes, milk from the herds affords the main element of food, together with the products of hoe agriculture. It has been the great merit of Hahn to give us this broad outline which, at the same time, presents a deep insight into the development of prehistoric agriculture. Next came his extensive studies of pastoral peoples and their dependence on neighboring food areas; of hoe agriculture of the Negroes, its char- acteristics and development as a folk economy; of the original hearths and the spread of domesticated plants; of the history of human foods, to introduce just a few examples.
All this [work] is based upon data that pertain to the field of economic geography. Beyond this systematic structure extends the theory by which the origin of plow agriculture is traced back to religious viewpoints and ritual acts. Naturally, this theory is foreign to modem sentiment. In numerous papers and in several larger pub- lications over the course of years Ed.
Hahn has progressively extended the total geographic pic- ture [of economy types], which previously he had outlined only in its larger aspects; he has further elaborated it in many details until, gradually, the old three-stage theory has been supplanted. His concept of hoe agriculture and of the distribution of plow culture, based upon facts of economic geogra- phy, has imperceptibly become common scientific property; for a younger generation it naturally seems so valid that one almost forgets the founder of the theory.
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Actually, [this fact represents] the greatest success imaginable. Whenever a poem becomes a folk song, the name of the author is invariably lost. Hahn summarized very clearly in popular sci- entific form his complete theory of the beginnings of agriculture, of plow culture, and of herding. The complete list of all his works up to the year has been included in the paper commemorating his 60th birthday August 7, His 70th birthday was another occasion of many honors, and gave evidence of the large number of friends that had gathered around him.
Similar scientific interest, perhaps strengthened still more by parallel scientific development, con- nects Ed. Hahn with Georg Schweinfurth, the Nestor of explorers of Africa. Most important, he belongs among those few botanists who have considered it worthy of effort to deal also with domesticated plants and their history. Consequently [his interest in so many related fields] has pointed to various interrelationships that have led to stimulating ideas. Highly instructive and stimulating for Hahn was his field study in Egypt where he was accompanied by Schweinfurth. Hahn was particularly interested in the Germans settled within the boundary zones of the southern and southeastern parts of Germany.
During his trips, which were regularly repeated for a number of years on a Danube paddle-wheeler [Hausschiff] from Ulm downstream to Vienna, he brought together his enthusiastic friends to whom he disclosed, in this way, the subtle beauties of the Danube. His favorite object of travel was Styria, whose ancient Alpine economy continually attracted him. For many decades his faithful collaborator was his sister, Fraulein Ida Hahn.
She has fully pen- etrated into the world of ideas of her brother and gradually took over more and more work from him. She participated in many ways in his publications, and smaller articles and studies were also published under her name. Her own special field of study was the history of food which she has fully elaborated. Indeed, very seldom has such a rich scientific heritage been shared by such a well-informed person or cared for with such devotion.
This justified the hope that this heritage will be fully preserved for further scientific research. He was not an odd man, for his sphere of activity and circle of friends were large; but his whole appearance, which was quite peculiar, and his scientific doctrine, like his personality, stood in opposition to the dominating trends of his time. His doctrine, because it was opposed to the rationalism that pervaded economic geography and economic science; his personality, because he was not a positivist character in spite of his thorough, minutely detailed research; on the contrary, for his personality, supported by his admirable book- learning, was indeed universal.
Only the last fifteen years, in which those predominating trends in sci- ence were losing their vitality, were in principle more favorable to his character. However, he never attained much proficiency in any outstanding academic activity, for which he had little incli- nation. Of decisive importance for his life was his acquaintance with Ferdinand v.
Following a somewhat incidental suggestion of v. Richthofen, he turned towards the study of domesticated ani- mals, especially the time and place of their origin; this research led him to entirely new and surprising viewpoints. He recognized that the traditional Three Stage Theory of the economic evolution of man was erroneous in principle; that the herdsman has never originated from the hunter, that the for- mer was a relatively late secondary form which was already conditioned by the cultivation of plants.
He discovered further important correlations of the origin of plow culture with certain religious and cultural viewpoints, and he rejected decidedly any rational attempt at explanation. He finally suggested a new system of the forms of subsis- tence economy in which hoe agriculture [ Hackbau ] took an important place as a hitherto unrecognized form.
He first presented to the scientific world the results of his investigation in the form of an explanatory map in Petermanns Mitteilungen His research on domesticated animals has been published in his book, The Domesticated Animals and Their Relation to the Economy of Man [ Die Haustiere und ihre Beziehungen zur Wirtschaft des Menschen ], which is, no doubt, considered as a work of basic and lasting importance. Especially he has explained more precisely the important position of woman in the economy, and that of man in politico-social life, in the beginnings of culture, in which he often touched upon the viewpoints of Ratzel, Schurtz, Bucher, and others.
Although he was thoroughly a scholar, he was not opposed to [considering the] problems of the present. His social thinking was oriented not toward a biased sense in regard to industrial labor, as it is common today, but toward a more liberal viewpoint. He exerted his criticism of man, conservative in the biological sense, against the age of technology which so often boasted, with proud righteousness, of its progress.
His sincere interests in the problems of the younger generation [Jungsmannschaft] also belong here; suddenly he was surprisingly up-to-date in the last few years, and made contact with the youth movements. His friends were hoping that he would, above all, finish his far-reaching studies on domesticated plants, which he perhaps carried out by too indirect means, as is seen in a stimulating booklet, From the Hoe to the Plow [Von der Hacke zum Pflug], second edition in preparation.
Unfortunately, no more was written after this final work. However, there is such a rich documentation [his preparatory notes] available that one may hope that his devoted sister and collaborator will put it in such a form so as to make its publication possible. Hahn has been recognized even by many of the most illustrious people of his time — let us mention, in addition to the names quoted above, at least W.
Meyer, Schwein- furth, Engelbrecht; but still his complaints that especially pre-history and ethnology have too often neglected to formulate complete conclusions from their investigations were not unjustified. Moreover, it has been his destiny that many of his concepts and notions e. A large group of friends and students mourn at the grave of this uncommonly original and stim- ulating man; a delicate and noble man, in spite of many peculiarities and even idiosyncrasies.
It is my conviction that at a later time the genial acuteness of this scholar will still be better appreciated. Neverthe- less, I have drawn and published the map — drawn, because I considered it highly desirable to test my viewpoints obtained at the conference table on the reality of a cartographic presentation and published, despite all objections, because it seems to me necessary to overthrow some old, inherited, but incorrect viewpoints.
In no case do I want to assert that I represent the only correct and the only justified viewpoint; on the contrary, I hope that a discussion will make this concept more clear, and I would value it greatly if I could open such a discussion. I have expressed elsewhere Aus land, , no. Further, I wish to observe that I have already had the honor of presenting this map at the meeting of naturalists and physicians at Halle an der Saale in the autumn of , in the geographical section under the chairmanship of Professor Kirchhoff.
I differentiate six such economic forms for the earth: The reason for which I am going to discuss these points once again was the circumstances that on investigating the distribution of domesticated animals which has been my concern for several years I found that the conventional viewpoint of the transition of the oldest cultures from hunter to herdsman and from herdsman to farmer involved a fundamental error; secondly, it has been proved as urgently necessary to oppose the directly dangerous viewpoint that our agriculture which is based on the use of economic animals in the cultivation of soils and which points to a western Asiatic origin represented the only standard form of the use of soils.
Concerning the map I wish to observe also that I just wanted to present very general relationships, and that I express by intermingled dots the fact that two economic forms overlap. About the first form, hunting and fishing, I need add little. I only observe that I have given to this form a more important extent in northeastern Asia and in Europe than to any other. I wanted also to indicate partly by mixing the colors, as in the case of Kola and the Tungus, that the herdsmen possess, in many cases, an insufficient number of animals to live directly from their products.
Those stock raisers live from hunting and fishing, but when they have to change their residence their animals are important to them because they carry nets, traps, tent poles, covers, etc. In this capacity the reindeer corresponds directly to dogs which in many ways are important as animals of transport for the northern hunter of both hemispheres.
The next stage I have defined as the most original form of the cultivation of the soil, hoe agriculture. It seems that the hunter has often arrived independently, certainly at least once in each hemisphere, to this form of land use, which makes use solely of human energy and of very primitive instruments of wood, hom, and stone. HAHN 37 vegetation is so great there that only a very re- stricted population is able to rise to higher stages.
Especially characteristic for present-day agriculture in the tropics is the domination of the tubers — yam, manioc, taro, and others. Next to these, to be sure, fruits, all sorts of vegetables, and legumes play a large role. Our cereal crops are entirely lacking. Representing the grains are species re- lated but different from our own, especially maize, which in preColumbian times and still today was the main product in the western hemisphere, and sorghum with several affiliated kinds in the eastern hemisphere.
This form [hoe agriculture] has become im- portant, on the other hand, also as a preparative stage for several higher forms. With the hoe have been cultivated small field surfaces where our wheat and barley were first developed into cereals, producing bread which has supported our entire civilization since ancient Babylonian times. Just as our household animals, our cultural plants, too, must be domesticated. I have given the name of hoe agriculture to this important form; that is, [it is named] after the hoe, in order to differentiate it from our field agriculture, which is worked with the plow.
I would have gladly selected some other and better term, because I must admit myself that even the highest form of agriculture, such as that in China and in Japan, also makes use of the hoe. But nothing better occurred to me; perhaps a more convenient term will be suggested from some other source. Hoe agriculture is characterized by the primitive manner of cultivation and the small extent of cultivated surface; the rapid exhaustion of the badly treated soil often compels the frequent shifting of the agricultural plots.
Of course, the enormous area occupied on the map by hoe agriculture shows a series of gradations and transitions. If people of a higher development improve their hoe agriculture through the use of manure and irrigation, then this primitive form may pass directly into the highest one, gardening. The third form, plantation agriculture , is, prop- erly speaking, only a special form of hoe agricul- ture; however, because of its outstanding impor- tance for the history of transportation and of trade, especially in the past century, I have defined it as a special form.
Plantations are maintained by hoe cultivation, just as any field of the Indians or Negroes, but the decisive European influence gives plantation agriculture its special character. The European offers his energy and capital for disposal, and brings together a number of laborers under his direction for his own purpose.
Another characteristic is that plantation agriculture raises only so-called colonial products, that is, coffee, sugar, and spices. But no one is able to live by that alone. Moreover, the manager of a plantation is interested in getting as much profit as possible from his capital. Because it is cheaper and more convenient for him to import food for his people rather than use his own expensive labor for the cultivation of food crops, a peculiar system of maintenance of the plantations has been developed; this system has contributed especially to the rapidly growing prosperity of youthful North America.
North America soon found a paying market area for its product pork meat and wheat flour, maize, and cut planks in the West Indies and Brazil; the latter, however, was supplied with dried meat from Argentina. As it was often the case, unfortunately, in the last century, when the relations of the plan- tation colonies with their market areas in Europe and their supply areas in the New World were troubled by war, the economic life of plantation areas must have been damaged most severely. The person who had to pay for all these difficulties was, of course, the most passive part, that is, the slave.
Thus the European plantation economy assumed that brutal form [slavery] which justified the general indignation in Europe over such conditions and resulted finally in the abolition of the whole system. It will be the task of the present plantation economy which has accepted substantially a more consider- ate form [of labor] never to forget that an excessive intensity, that is, a limitation of production only to marketable and valuable products, brings great disadvantages despite high returns. The economy that is based on the importation of food from entirely different countries will tend toward great fluctuations in times of crisis.
It is peculiar that modem times have seen the Dutch introduce a rational plantation economy in Java, when a kind of plantation economy with many drawbacks was able to develop in our own areas. Whereas Java, under the intelligent management of the Dutch and their cultural system was able to supply its rapidly rising population with its own products, and at the same time furnish significant profits to the Dutch state, in our country [Germany] the best soil is condemned to compete with tropical sugar in a way that is untenable in the long run.
It is very questionable whether the economic history of the next centuries will see in our [beet] sugar agriculture an essentially beneficial factor of our development, as magnificent and impressive the effects of technical chemistry on this business may seem to our descendants. Our European-western Asiatic agriculture also has developed from the lower stage of hoe agricul- ture. The oldest pioneers of our culture domesti- cated wheat and barley in the small fields associated with hoe economy, and thus won them for [the later development of] field agriculture.
From this has developed the peculiar triad that consists of the plow, the ox, and the cultivation of small grains, which has impressed its stamp upon our entire culture. One cannot say much about when and where this triple alliance originated; however, I believe to be justified in locating it with some probability in Babylonia and in placing that epoch far, far before the beginning of all this that we call history. From there field agriculture [.
Ackerbau ], as I wish to call our West Asiatic-European form, has proceeded eastwards and westwards, and finally, in fact, Europeans have carried it in an essentially unchanged form into the other continents. Of course, field agriculture shows us all possible dif- ferentiation in the immense area of its distribution. But its characteristics remain everywhere the same; that is, it brings as a main product our small grains and makes use of the plow to work the soil, whereby the plow is pulled in the old fashioned way by the ox and only to a small extent by the horse.
Despite all the different forms to be found in the immense area from China to North America and from India to northern Russia, the characteristic association of ox, plow, and small grains exists everywhere. The next form, livestock economy [Viehwirt- schaft ] to my mind should also be placed on an entirely new basis.
Cluster von Toponymsuffixen in Deutschland
Formerly only one circumstance was considered in that nomadic wandering was accepted as the most important characteristic of the herd owner. In so doing, naturally, almost everything was neglected that was concerned with cattle, which in general have such requirements as to refuse to live too far into the steppes proper. On the other hand, it goes without saying that in such regions as for example the African grasslands and the South American pampas which support mainly cattle a perpetual state of wandering is constantly necessary or at least is useful in times of stress.
I must discuss this new term and its application in different areas in somewhat more detail. I can pass over Australia and South Africa the latter in so far as it is settled by European stockmen , because they do not present any especially prominent traits. America, however, is another thing. Here, herds of cattle and sheep in the Pampas have taken on a different importance than formerly. In North America, too, the area is much more extensive; it is the area in which the Germanic cowboys continue today the business of earlier Spanish- Indian vaqueros. I still have not been able to clarify how far I should extend stock raising economy to the old Indian [inhabitants].
The latter became partly accustomed to using horses with surprising rapidity; but if the Comanches, Apaches, and others also satisfy their need for saddle animals by the use of herds of wild horses, it is, then, still not possible for me to include them with the people of livestock economy.
Regarding the Patagonians, the information in this respect, too, is uncertain, at least inasmuch as it was accessible to me, so that I have classified these people as hunters. However, to show how an economy elsewhere can develop differently from all our European con- ditions, I wish to call attention to a long and narrow zone extending from the sources of the Nile as far as South Africa.
The cattle herders of this zone make almost no use at all of their large flocks, so that, in fact, one cannot speak of an economy. The use of milk and butter is insignificant and in parts of Africa is lacking entirely. Under normal circumstances only the meat of animals that have died a natural death is consumed; they are killed only at large feasts and funerals. Thus, cattle form only a unit of measuring values and an objective value, like a woman; for according to his number of cattle and women one recognizes the social position of a man.
In order to consider the nomads proper of North Africa, western and central Asia, I must touch upon still another important factor in the life of the livestock breeder, a factor that has been formerly incorrectly understood, not because it was overlooked, but because one supposed its existence at places where it did not occur. I am thinking of milking.
For us it seems natural to drink the milk of our flocks, at least of cows and goats, and under some circumstances also sheep, horse and camel milk. This, however, has remained entirely HAHN 39 foreign to other people. Chinese and Japanese have never turned to milk drinking, although the Chinese are still close neighbors of Mongols and Tibetans who live on it [milk] almost exclusively. Also, in the entire western hemisphere no one people has accepted milk drinking without European influence. Milk and wool, however, are the only products that the herdsman may take from the animal without killing it.
Thus, in fact, the herding economy of the Incas was established upon an entirely peculiar basis. Since milk was not used, it was only necessary to keep a few transport animals in the direct proximity of man.
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Once a year the wild flocks were brought together, wool was sheared from all the animals, superfluous males and old females were killed, satisfying in this way, to a considerable extent, the need for meat of the country. This wild-herd economy was probably not so much a product of a far-reaching statesman- like intelligence as that of a bitter necessity, for I am firmly convinced that a herd owner who is dependent upon the meat resources of his own flocks will soon consume all of his livestock.
And so, perhaps the Incas, too, may have been led to the state organization of hunting because of a serious depletion of guanacos. In the steppes and desert areas of the highlands of Asia only such people who made use of milk as food were able to maintain themselves contin- uously. Now, with some reason, one may deduce from culture history — and many others have done it before me — that the horse and camel are only quite late phenomena.
The horse and camel, how- ever, give the nomads mobility, which is inevitably necessary to control the great deserts and steppes, the present area of the nomads. Before introducing these animals the herdsman was obliged to limit himself to a life with his goats and sheep in the steppes and desert oases, located as far as possible from settled areas; only in such a way did he find the necessary contact with his neighbors, who already at that time were hoe or plow agriculturists and who supplied him with food.
If we do not consider some unimportant exceptions, the typical nomad lives from the output of his flocks, but not from these alone, i. Even the nomads who dominate our imagination, the patriarchs of ancient biblical times, as well as the Bedouins of the Arabian desert, nourish themselves with barley, dates, and partly also with rice and other crops. If they produce these fruits in their own gardens and fields, they are half nomads, as Herr v. Richthofen aptly calls them; if they do not have such fields, they must look for their supply of vegetables by way of exchange, that is, they must trade just as the Mongols do to get their tea.
I must admit that this concept of a direct necessity of the connection of trade in reference to nomads and its great importance in cultural history has cleared up for me a whole series of questionable points. Thus the sudden warlike invasions of the whole nomadic mass of central Asia towards the west, as well as their relations with China, who has often found a reason to close effectively her western boundary, has been clarified. I do not wish therefore to underestimate the importance of nomads in any way, but I do not wish, on the other hand, to deny that they have the right to be called representatives of a special economic form; on my map, however, I have recorded mainly only the livestock economy which without any doubt may be practiced by the nomads in the larger areas.
Finally to come to the last and highest form of human economy, I have assumed gardening only for China and Japan. In Mexico and Peru it has been, in fact, destroyed by the Spanish conquest. Europe, and consequently Italy, Spain, France, Holland, due to the small scale of the map, could be considered only schematically in regard to the complex and sporadic distribution. Chinese gardening is in no way different from that of the Mediterranean countries and from ours it is differentiated only by artificial irrigation. Also in China and Japan the soil is worked upon in substance by human labor and manured with human excrement.
As evidence I may cite the example in the excellent book, Beitrage zur Kenntnis der japanischen Landwirthschaft [Contributions to the Knowledge of Japanese Agriculture] by Fesca [who avers] animals as manure-producing factors have been entirely overlooked, for they have no impor- tance for Japan. On the other hand, compost is used as an important source of manure and, peculiarly enough, certain very modem tendencies of our farmers here are similar to the practices in China and Japan, just as in the case of agriculture using no livestock.
In Japan the extensive interior roads, now abandoned, are exploited for the purpose of getting compost. For a long time it has been known and often jokingly mentioned how careful is the Chinaman in utilizing any waste of economic value. In any case, China has been able to maintain its enormous population for many centuries only by the most careful treatment of the soil. Among us, one cannot speak at all of a real water economy, even in the remotest terms. Our gardening makes very little use of artificial irrigation and properly speaking only for extravagance.
There are very few exceptions [to this statement], among which I do not wish to omit mention of the truck gardens of Berlin around the small town of Werder on the Havel River. Of course, also in this direction, there are trends in Germany that condemn the neglect of any organized economy and that insist on a remedy. Another circumstance is connected with the development of Chinese agriculture. Of course, consumption of milk is unknown in China, thus the cow and ox are almost absent there, whereas the buffalo, in some places, pulls a light harrow on the soft soil of a rice field.
Meat is supplied almost exclusively by the pig and chicken, which are fed the refuse from kitchen gardens and granaries. The duck also [is present] which is easily understandable because of the countless irrigation canals, standing water in rice fields, and extensive water collecting basins. However, in China, and especially too in Japan, fish from rivers that are not polluted by any urban refuse and waste from manufacturing plants, as well as fish from the adjacent seas are used to replace meat on a scale unknown in our country.
Strong spice and fish seem to be almost necessities to digest rice foods, especially fish in a macerated condition, which is for us inedible. If I denote gardening as the highest form [of agriculture], then I know quite well that I expose myself to cheap reproach, as if I were praising Chinese conditions in general. But it is impossible for me to overlook the fact that China and Japan were able to maintain their population for centuries without any importation of foodstuffs from abroad.
Richthofen spoke in great detail in his lectures on the geography of settlements and transportation in the summer of At present in our country there are different trends in agriculture showing that at some places our [farming] conditions cannot be considered as entirely excellent and incapable of improvement. Now, if the ideal of an agricultural system is to be seen in its capacity to support in a given area the greatest possible population, then our agriculture certainly does not correspond to this, for it has always attempted to replace labor more and more with machines.
On the other hand, if it is desirable that the proletariat of overly large industrial cities be balanced by a healthy and not too penurious rural population, then this aim certainly cannot be reached by continuing the present system of agriculture which necessarily treats with more favor the large land owner than the small one.
In order to introduce another system, it is necessary not to proceed to a partition of large holdings but to change directly to gardening without livestock and without machines around the large cities. In opposition to the self-sufficiency of Chinese and Japanese agriculture I cannot see the highest national economic form in our own agriculture which is, indeed, also uncommonly highly developed and which, scientifically, within the last few decades has become incomparably so. In the course of a few decades the guano islands of Peru where once the Inca used to correlate consumption and [rate of] accumulation with intelligent precaution have been plundered, and the stream of gold that poured forth into Peru and into the pockets of the heirs of the conquerors has melted away entirely without profit.
Allgemeines [Generalities] 26 III. Benutzung [Utilization of animals ] 36 IV. Die Haustiere [Domesticated animals] 1. Der Hund [the Dog]. Der Banteng [The Banteng wild ox ] 4. Der Yak [the Yak] 6. Die Ziege [the Goat] 8. Das Schaf [the Sheep] 9. Der Esel [the Ass] 9a. Das Maultier und der Maulesel [the Mule and the Hinny] Das Pferd [the Horse]. Das Schwein [Swine] Das Kamel [the Camel] Die Katze [the Cat] — Das Kaninchen [the Rabbit] Das Frett [the Ferret] Das Renn [the Reindeer] Das Lama und Paco [the Llama and Alpaca ] Das Meerschweinchen [the Guinea-pig] Die Gans [the Goose] 19a.
Die chinesische Gans [the Chinese Goose] 19b. Die Kanadagans [the Canada Goose] 19c. Die Nilgans [the Nile or African G. Der Schwan [the Swan] Die Ente [the Duck] 21a. Die Moschusente [the Muscovy Duck] Das Perlhuhn [the Guinea Fowl] Der Pfau [the Peacock] Der Fasan [the Pheasant] Das Truthuhn [the Turkey] Die Taube [the Pigeon or Dove] 27a.
Die Lachtaube [the Turtledove] Der Kanarienvogel [the Canary] Der Wellensittich [budgerigar an Australian parrot ] Der Strauss [the Ostrich] Der Cormoran [the Cormorant] Fischzucht und Haustiere unter den Fischen [Pisciculture and fish domesticates] Der Karper [the Carp] Der Goldfisch [the Goldfish] Der Grossflosser [Paradise fish] Der Seidenschmetterling [the Silkmoth] Die Biene [the Bee] V.
Jagd und Fischfang [Hunting and Fishing] 2. Hackbau [Hoe Farming] 3. Plantagenbau [Plantation agriculture] 4. Gartenbau [Garden agriculture] 5. Viehwirtschaft [Livestock economy] 6. Ackerbau [Plow agriculture] Wirtschaftsverhaltnisse der einzelnen Lander [Economic circumstances in individual countries] 1. Makaronesian Kanarien, Madeira, Azorien 4.
Afrikanische Inseln 5. Hoch- und Nordasien 7. Indonesien 1 1. Australien und Oceanien I worked long and earnestly, but lives. Nonetheless, following counsel from my HAHN 43 any longer, because however incomplete it may be the work has to be concluded. To me it seems fitting that the results obtained are now submitted, because they vary substantially from the ideas heretofore considered to be valid. My views are perhaps too far-reaching, but if I prove only a small part of them to be correct, we should see the original conditions of our culture world in an entirely new light Historisch-linguistische Skizzen [Domesticated plants and animals in their move- ment from Asia to Greece and Italy as well as the rest of Europe.
An historical-linguistic sketch], Berlin, Unfortunately I was never allowed the opportunity to personally communicate with him, which I had wanted so much to do. The great researcher died almost unknown and unappreciated on 21 March in Berlin. Unfortunately I have not been capable of solving numerous questions that domesticated animals pose for the zoologists.
Nevertheless, I have endeavored to compile, chiefly from the old literature, cases that could interest the zoologists. To me that does not seem superfluous, because even many of the interesting aberrations do not very fre- quently occur in nature.
- Santidad Matrimonial (Spanish Edition);
- Jai voulu porter létoile jaune (French Edition);
- Rhyming Life and Death.
- The Memory Game!
- Et si je me confessais (Essais - Documents) (French Edition).
Since I hardly had a notion of the extent of the work, originally my entire book was to serve as a study of the knowledge of the geographical distribution of animals. To be sure, I chanced more and more toward economic geography and thus got into one of the richest and most important areas of geography, but unfortunately into one of the least developed and cultivated. During [the course] of the study naturally many of my views that were formed initially in part had to be changed later, and because not in all cases could the entire literature be worked through again, it happened that I may have overlooked outstanding evidence which now I would probably want to appraise.
In order to emphasize especially the geograph- ical aspect of my work, I have treated the individual countries in the second section according to their economic characteristics; for this [purpose] I took the opportunity — chiefly in the tropics — to present them in a new light. Of course the domesticated animals represent not only important factors in economic activity: To be sure, in order to solve completely this aspect of my work, I first should have been a farmer, and that I am not; further, I should have made extensive travels — and I scarcely have been outside Germany.
Thus I bring along to my work essentially not much more than goodwill and the ability to work over a considerable quantity of literature. Through the rich holdings of the Royal Library of Berlin, which for me as with others was most liberally at my disposal, my work was made possible, the results of which in certain cases and even many times were questionable, but at least they gave certain value to one side [of the issue]. I have examined on the spot all materials cited that are not accompanied by a cross sign. So far as mistakes and typographical errors do not interfere, one can depend that the citation can be found at the actual place indicated.
To be sure, my information, especially for countries outside Europe, often shows large gaps; as an excuse I blame that perhaps on the extremely sparse sources of literature that are still especially difficult to find. Scientific studies on flora and fauna and fewer scientific travel accounts, with equal indifference customarily omit [information on] both domesticated animals and plants.
I cannot conclude without here thanking the kindness of my highly respected teacher, privy councilor baron Ferdinand v. Richthofen, full professor of geography at the University of Berlin. Without his frequent, friendly stimulation and en- couragement perhaps I could not have carried the difficult work out to the end. I must not omit at this point to render him my warmest and humble thanks. Naturally in the course of time my material has grown and it continues to grow; I fear, however, that once the theme is grasped I cannot get free from it again and for that reason in conclusion I would like to ask all of my critics and censors as far as they have new, positive material to add, that they make it accessible to me as much as possible.
Citations from Hehn will follow his fifth edition, I can no longer agree with the sixth edition, in which the text of the latter edition is unchanged with new remarks by Prof. De Candolle, Ursprung der Kulturpflanzen. I shall return later to the fact that only in part can one consider the individual wild herds, which now still exist in the Russian steppes and Inner Asia, as the pure descendants of the original wild horse. I need only recall that the bison was almost wholly limited to the prairie and did not enter the forest, whereas in contrast, the wisent is a pronounced forest animal.
I ascribe the domestication of horses to a Turanian people of central Asia, who became horsemen and, as so many like them, suddenly pushed out of their region like a swarm of locusts, overthrew the civilization at that time and, like the Huns, withdrew leaving no horses behind. No doubt the domestication of horses followed that of the ass. However, it is not certain whether this [sequence] furnished directly the pattern for riding, or whether the camel preceded the horse as a riding animal.
Perhaps this illustrates the transition from pack and draft animals [cared for by] women and children to the riding animal of the men; and perhaps one was not [wholly] dependent on the horse as a riding animal. For the priority of the camel one might say that in southern Mesopotamia it surpassed the horse see below but, in contrast, in the north it lagged far behind.
Also without practice and understanding the riders could hardly be imitated, and because of the wild nature of horses the attempt [at riding] them was surely not immediately or always successful. Therefore I believe that the oldest idea of the use of horses and therewith the oldest breed of horses came to us slowly from the East. I also consider that the oldest breed occurred where wild horses originated, as did the idea of the utilization of horses.
To be sure, as one first became more acquainted with the horse the wild ones were used in large numbers; also there occurred a definite ad- mixture of tame with wild blood, partly intentional, partly accidental, through the abduction [of tame mares by wild stallions] and the return [of domestic animals] to a wild state. Naturally the result was practical in that eventually the domesticated horses absorbed more valuable blood from the native wild species, because such mixing could not be avoided.
However, I cannot assume that where this occurred horses were independently tamed, so that new centers of horse breeding were independently developed. Such appears to me to be ethnologically impossible, for mankind does not display so much energy and persistence. This is the case still today; where wild horses are regularly utilized — in America for example — , a breed usually unthought of: Also reports agree in describing the intractability of wild horses as being very great.
Falk 3 says directly that one should not think about domestication of [wild] horses, for they starve in captivity or escape as soon as possible, as did a stallion as reported by Pallas: It is even reported that the small wild horses of Sardinia may be completely untamable. A variety of the white horse is covered with dark hair during youth, whereas with advanced albinism the animal is bom white; also these may have red eyes and white hoofs.
For me there is a widespread and somewhat problematical phenomenon with the horse — the dapple appearance. On a lighter or darker background [of the hide] are seen other tinted circles or spots. No wild horse has ever exhibited such markings, so that a comparison could be made. It is well known that among domesticated horses there occur carefully bred giant types; more- over, there are widespread occurrences of dwarf varieties; partly these result from poor sustenance; however that is not generally certain.
They are commonly found on islands, where comically small, diminutive types occur. Those of Ireland and Iceland are renowned; still much smaller are those on the Isle of Man, and in the Hebrides, Orkneys and Shetland islands. Only a few of the latter, which are surpassed only by those of Sardinia and Greece, are left on the Faroes. Strauss knew them from Metelin Mytilene. Here breeding alone does not play an exclusive role in causing stuntedness or dwarfism; I believe, rather, that this is a prevailing phenomenon that is also observed among other mammals. I would like to bring up two of the various characteristics of the skeleton.
One is the short or pug face, which although not a racial characteristic, occurs occasionally. Occasionally among our horses a throwback related to long-dead ancestors occurs; 20 for example, the toes originally characteristic of the genus Hippus, but have long disappeared, may of- ten reappear in our present horses.
More frequently they are found only on the forefeet and then usually on the outer sides. As people in the know were no longer confused as to what Caesar intended, a horse with this deformity was bom on one of his estates. A soothsayer was kind enough to explain that it [the birth] meant that the owner [would be] master of the world. As a favor Caesar might have extolled the pet animal to the superstitious folk; in any case so much value was placed on it 22 that a statue was made and a coin was struck of it.
In order to indicate better what he intended the artist stuck a staff of Mercury behind the toe. The intensity of the hair cover varies strongly among horses. We not only have the very thick pelt as a breed characteristic, but also even indi- vidual cases of especially strong curliness — that is, wooly horses. Also the complete lack of tails may occur as a characteristic of breed. Here it is a question of a purely pathological development, similar to the horns that occur with humans. But like the human horns, these have [been given] exaggerated attention. Such horns often develop out of the ear muscles 35 and may grow and be shed annually.
Such a horse was shown on many coins of Seleuceus Nicator; 38 on the adverse side are shown horns as a symbol of godly skill and might, on the reverse, a homed horse. If it is a question here of only a protuberance of the skin in the ear muscle, it is strongly emphasized. Even large herds of horses are composed of polygamous families.
A stallion follows a small group of mares, which he builds as his jealously guarded harem. Like other polygamists, he is always ready to enlarge his harem; if he is given the opportunity to encounter a tame mare, he will use all in his power of seduction to take her with him.
Today, in areas where wild and domesticated horses congregate we must figure that the so-called wild stock have drawn part of their blood from the domesticates.
Also we hardly know if there is any area in which only wild horses occur in a primeval condition and are not associated at the same time with domestic stock. However, based on good observation, the so-called wild horses of the eastern steppes are also regarded as only partly wild. Despite this we hear that they are untamable and at least in part rage themselves to death in captivity 42 The wild horse was initially widespread in Europe; in the course of time it disappeared in many places and the herds that still exist became isolated [as groups of] wild studs.
The last of this kind within fully civilized Europe were the horses of the Camargue at the mouth of the Rhone River and those of the Seine. I shall speak of the latter in the appendix. In Hungary and southern Russia until recently there were half-wild herds, an inconspicuous breed and not easily handled, but were valued despite their resistance. It is not entirely impossible that the wild horses of the large wooded district of New Forest are not derived from original wild breeds, but resulted from horses that became feral in the confusion of war. I shall not go into the breeds like those in Sardinia, Corsica and the Shetlands.
To prepare a list of the [areas of] wild horses is an altogether painstaking exercise, because so many of the even highly valued animals have not been reported. There must be wild horses on Cyprus; Mungo Park mentions wild horses, all of the same color, in Nigeria; 44 for a short period there were wild horses in the Congo, despite such an unfavorable climate; these, of course, soon perished.
Natu- rally there would be such a mixing with tame blood through destructive military operations, which the owners favored putting an end to; thus the feral horses in Gansu in China may have originated during the Dungan uprising. According to a report, they had a very smooth hide, thus presumably little hair. If such an animal so outstandingly fleet as a wild horse was limited to such a small area and if it occurred in so small numbers, it might seem quite strange that we are just now hearing of it, while we still have a great number of reports of the wild camel, many of them from Chinese sources.
I am thinking of the quite renowned perversity of the wild ass, if I here assume, rather, a kind of wild mule stock, that is, an inflow of blood from feral mare asses into a wild breed of horses. Even in every remote area all wild species are quickly melting away before the hunter with powder and shot. After all, the Sardinian horse has a tail with a wide lower part, like that of Equus Prshewalsski.
Die allermeisten Suffixe von Interesse entpuppten sich als Tri- bis Pentagramme. Habe ich aber nicht. Stattdessen ist es eine simple eindimensionale Karte geworden, in der man einfach nur ein paar Ortsnamen sieht. Bei der Auswahl der Beispiele habe ich mich zum einen daran orientiert, wie viel Prozent der Vorkommen eines Suffixes in einen oder mehrere aneinandergrenzende Postleitzahlenbereich e fallen. Es bedeutet nicht, dass es nirgendwo sonst ein auf diesem Suffix basierendes Cluster gibt und schon gar nicht, dass es nicht andernorts vereinzelte Orte mit diesem Suffix gibt.
Wie immer dem sei, hier ist die Karte Lizenz: Die Lizenzbedingungen sind hier nachzulesen. Oben eingebunden ist die neueste Version. Die Karte ist in den vergangenen Tagen vielfach geteilt worden, unter anderem via Twitter, Facebook und Reddit. Es zieht sich ohne nennenswerte Unterbrechungen von der Lausitz bis hoch an die Ostsee. Mal in die Karte eintragen. Hinzugekommen sind letztlich vier Cluster: In Oberfranken gibt es auch schoene Cluster, z. Also Marxgruen, Christusgruen, Geroldsgruen etc.
Dann gefallen dir sicher auch die Quizrunden zur Ortsnamenverteilung auf dem Lexikographieblog von Michael Mann.