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Everything seems to work fine, but in an area of the maps shadows flicker. The area is a big mesh - an island , and a few building on it.

The building are full of meshes too. I have a small video to show the issue. I tried changing everything , removing the meshes below the building, moving the building. Deleting parts , deleting indoor small lights. Deleting the sky light doesnt change it either. Options of the main light don't help.

How to Avoid Flickering (Flash of Original Content) in A/B Tests

I even tought it might be drivers, something like that has happened before with reflection captures and a buggy nvidia driver, but now i tested 3 versions of it and it isnt that. What I have observed is - if I move these flickering meshes elsewhere on the map - there is not flicker. I tried moving the whole thing , but it didnt help then. Also there is no other place on the map that this happens. I really don't know what this could be.

Depending on how you've setup your larger meshes and if they are broken up into smaller chunks that are assembled this can likely be an issue as well. Distance fields do not scale well for larger meshes. It's better to break the mesh into smaller modular chunks. In the Static Mesh editor have you adjusted the distance field resolution in the build settings for this mesh as well?

I'd imagine, from looking at the mesh it's flickering between partly see-through and solid shadow. More than likely you'll be able to see through the distance field when in that view similar to what is show with low resolution in the Distance Field AO documentation. Also, to make things easier to see with the distance fields, can you select your light source and set the Cascaded Shadow Map Dynamic distance to 0. By clicking "Post Your Answer", you acknowledge that you have read our updated terms of service , privacy policy and cookie policy , and that your continued use of the website is subject to these policies.

I have a table filled by ng-repeat. Out of the table I have a ui-bootstrap modal popup and a div with fixed position. Here is a plunker that mimics the problem. Notably, however, thistle tea is used as a folk remedy for stimulating milk production in the U. A second possibility is that the qualities of wet and dry are salient. The dried hak'achu remains are reconstituted and served as broth.

Drying and rehydrating are commonplace operations in the Andes.

What exactly is the Flicker effect?

The Inca mummified their deceased rulers, and pre-Incan peoples are still believed to exist through their bones and mummified remains. Dried llama fetuses are "purified by the sun" and served to the mountain spirits [ 17 , 18 ]. The sympathetic associations have the effect of reinforcing a practical injunction in this case, as corncobs are used as scrub brushes, knife handles, and fuel for fires.

The logic of dehydration and reconstitution doesn't explain why hak'achu carcasses are used as galactagogues rather than those of the chiwanku thrush Turdus chiguanco , however, or why quinoa is used instead of wheat or corn, so it cannot provide a full explanation of the practice. The Andean condor scavenges carrion and soars on the winds sweeping up the east flank of the Andes. Condor feathers are toasted, ground, and brewed in the same manner as hak'achu.

The broth or tea is used to treat respiratory diseases. One of my comadres made just such a tea from a single condor feather for her aging mother when the latter was gravely ill. Hummingbird carcasses are also dried and used in the Cusco area. With its rapid, blurry movement, the hummingbird is considered to be a messenger bird, usually an omen of death. Allen, for example, recounts an encounter with a hummingbird that was interpreted by her informants as portending the death of her grandmother [ 19 ].

Tips for deterring woodpeckers for making themselves at home

A soul may leave the body to visit faraway relatives through the medium of a hummingbird, especially during the eight days that the spirit stays near the family after a person's death. The roasted carcass of the hummingbird is used in treating fright in children and soul loss, and it may be substituted for condor feathers in some treatments when the latter are unavailable [ 7 ]. A metaphorical association between illness and treatment is suggested in this instance by the frequency with which this bird discharges its excrement [ 4 ].

Hak'achu flesh is used as a meat in soups and stews in the Cusco area [ 7 ]. Hak'achu blood is mixed with wine to treat heart problems, dropped in the ear to counter hearing loss caused by the wind, and taken as a drink to combat tuberculosis [ 4 , 7 , 13 ]. The feathers are used for cleaning teeth [ 7 ]. In some areas of Cusco, a hak'achu 's tongue is carried as a charm to help one find love [ 13 ].

In Andean lore, the hak'achu carries the leaf of a secret plant in its beak to soften rock while boring its nest [ 7 , 13 , 20 ]. Perhaps because of this tenderizing effect, it's said that a woman pecked by the beak of a flicker will thereby become an adept and appreciated cook. Tradition has it that the Inca learned the secret of this herb from watching the hak'achu , and applied it in their monumental architecture [ 13 ].

Venero Gonzales [ 2 ] reports that the plant is often said to be manka p'aki Eupatorium peregrinum, Eupatorium sternberginianum , which translates as "broken pot," further extending the metaphorical connections manka p'aki also is used as a galactagogue in its own right in the Arequipa area. I suspect that this association of the bird with a magic herb traveled with the Spanish from Europe, where certain woodpeckers were believed to use moonwort a fern or "springwort" an herb unknown to humans to dissolve the materials people used to plug their nests with.

The springwort legend appears to originate even further east, where it appears in the Arabian Nights, the Koran, and the Talmud [ 21 ]. The association could have been reinvented in various cultures many times, however, from watching the behavior of the birds. While there are several kinds of woodpeckers in the Andes, they have enough in common that beliefs seem to pass readily across species boundaries. Elsewhere in Peru, the heart of a woodpecker is added to wine to treat epilepsy, and the feathers are used in treatments to prevent spontaneous abortion and facilitate delivery [ 4 ].

The association between hak'achu and milk production has not been explained by my informants, for whom it is common knowledge and taken as a given, and the logic is not obvious to an outside observer from the characteristics of the bird. The bird's tongue, red nape, audible call, association with rocky terrain, and habit of making holes are the features highlighted in stories about the bird.

The hak'achu favors the high puna grasslands where people pasture their cattle, although it's not the only bird to do so. The association with cattle, however, extends as far south as Argentina, where it is likewise considered to be the enemy of cattle rustlers. There may be a good practical reason: The hot-cold classification system has its origins in the humoral theory of the Old World, where it was the protoscientific doctrine of the medical establishment at the time of the Spanish conquest, and it continues to be practiced throughout Latin America, especially in the mountain regions [ 23 - 25 ].

Ethnomedical practices in the Andes have various origins, both pre- and post-conquest, and many of these bits and pieces have gradually been integrated into the humoral model, serendipitously in some instances, assimilated by the model in others [ 24 ]. But there is no attempt to integrate many practices, and they maintain a logic all their own.

Hundreds of plants are used as galactagogues worldwide, but the biochemical actions of only a few of them have yet been investigated. Some of those investigated have been found to have estrogenic, oxytocic, or other hormonal effects in lab conditions [ 26 ]. Anethole is structurally similar to the catecholamines, which are believed to influence secretion of prolactin [ 27 ]. In one study, fennel oil increased milk production and the milk's fat content for goats [ 28 ].

While there are not many data on the incidence of lactation failure in humans, it is considered to be rare, especially relative to the amount of cultural concern given to it in many societies [ 12 , 31 ]. The critical importance of successful breast-feeding through human history has apparently selected against poor milk producers [ 12 ]. The lactation process involves mother-infant interaction, and failure may be caused at either end. The infant's sucking affects the quantity of milk produced, and a variety of sucking and swallowing disorders prematurity, cleft palate, etc.

Given the importance of sucking, some have suggested that the spread of bottle-feeding and widely-spaced, scheduled breast feedings has led to an increased incidence of "insufficient milk syndrome" — real or perceived milk insufficiency [ 32 ]. There are anatomical, hormonal, nutritional, and pharmacological causes that can affect both the production and release of milk, but the literature has predominantly emphasized psychosocial interference with the release of milk, the so-called "let-down reflex" [ 31 ].

A positive relationship between milk production and drinking fluids is often hypothesized. It's also backed by anecdotal evidence. A woman I rented a room from in Cusco, for example, reported noticing a difference in her own milk flow depending on her fluid intake. Various investigators, however, have found that variation in water intake within wide limits has no physiological effect on the volume of milk produced, and this is consistent with the anti-diuretic effects of prolactin, one of the principal controlling pituitary hormones [ 12 ].

Northern Flicker Woodpecker Calling and Drumming

The widespread belief that fluid intake affects milk yields emerged either as a response to extreme conditions severe enough to affect health in general , or is another instance of likeness substituting for correlational likelihood fluid in, fluid out. As Orlove notes, the rural Andean practice of serving boiled soups and stews in the early morning and late afternoon has the adaptive benefit of providing sufficient water to avoid the risks of dehydration in the dry season, while reducing the danger of ingesting parasites from contaminated water sources [ 33 ]. These preferences seem generally sufficient in themselves to ensure that a nursing mother receives enough fluids.

In any case, the belief in the importance of increased fluid intake while lactating does not explain why particular broths are considered more effective in stimulating milk production than others. Its protein quality is close to the FAO standard, comparing well with milk and meat. Quinoa is high in such essential amino acids as lysine and tryptophan [ 34 ]. Corn, on the other hand, is notably deficient in these limiting amino acids. Askantuy larvae are used medicinally rather than as a food source, but another larvae, wayt'ampu Metardaris cosinga is recognized for its nutritional value and is said to be a brain food [ 35 ].

The maternal causes of lactation failure and the effect of dietary supplements are not well understood. Studies of the lactation performance of both well-nourished and malnourished women in recent years have found a surprising consistency in daily milk volumes, and it appears that physiological mechanisms exist to compensate for inadequate maternal nutrient intake, with cumulative long-term nutritional cost born by the mother [ 36 ].

The threshold level below which a woman is unable to produce a normal quantity of milk appears to be quite low. However, these statistics are for adults of both sexes combined, and valuable as they are, a one-year study does not adequately capture the susceptibility of highland populations to environmental fluctuations. As with the quantity of protein, the quality of protein and non-protein nitrogen compounds in the milk may be affected by maternal nutrition under threshold conditions, but the effect seems to be minor in magnitude. Most studies show that the protein content of human milk is relatively constant regardless of maternal nutrition [ 36 ].

Overall then, existing research on the effect of maternal nutrition on milk volume is inconclusive, with limited evidence that substantial protein supplements can affect milk production and supplements of protein and vitamins can affect milk quality under certain conditions. Given our current knowledge, it seems unlikely that traditional high-protein food supplements for nursing mothers in the Andes can be related to any observed increases in milk production, except perhaps at certain undetermined threshold conditions.

Such supplements, of course, promote good nutrition, and in so doing, prevent illness, fatigue, and general states of unwellness that can stress and strain long-term nursing. The cumulative deterioration of nutritional status through maternal depletion can shorten the lactation period [ 12 ]. Unlike areas of the world where dietary taboos while nursing severely limit a woman's protein intake, dietary practices in the Andes contribute to a mother's general health. Except for quinoa, the local grain with the highest protein content, however, it's hard to explain the specificity of some of the more exotic local galactagogues used as protein supplements.

Any domestic or game animal protein should do, and unlike hak'achu and askantuy , many of the alternatives are available in significant quantities. On the other hand, neither hak'achu nor askantuy are consumed as standard fare, and the beliefs about their value as galactagogues may have emerged under conditions of environmental stress.


Under normal conditions, the probable explanation for the positive effect of most milk-producing treatments in the Andes is psychophysiological. Indeed, among health domains, lactation is a sphere where social and psychological factors play an exceptional role. Emotional responses appear to play a key role in the success and failure of lactation in both nursing mothers and dairy animals; so much so that lactation has sometimes been termed a "confidence trick" [ 12 ].

Apprehension and anxiety inhibit milk secretion by interfering with the let-down reflex. Sufficient milk is available, but it doesn't reach the infant. Emotional upset triggers a vicious cycle as lactation failure increases anxiety and doubt during subsequent feedings. At the same time, breast engorgement interferes with an infant's ability to suckle and poor milk drainage increases the probability of bacterial infection, all further contributing to lactation failure.

The consensus of contemporary Western medical opinion seems to be that most galactagogues work as confidence inducers, reinforcing the let-down reflex. Hak'achu flesh and some other local galactagogues are not served in sufficient quantities to have much impact on general nutritional levels, but have an advantage over more mundane protein sources for emotional impact in their exceptional character.

Their specialness and rarity single them out. A parallel can be drawn here to the use of woodpecker-scalp headbands by natives of Northwest California in their Jumping Dance [ 39 ]. Such headbands were regarded as treasures and used in shamans' fees, bride prices, injury compensations, and other exchanges.

The rarity of the scalps contributed to their value, and the dance gave their owners an opportunity for their public display. The expressive and sociocultural characteristics of the bird's use as a galactagogue could help explain any psychophysiological effectiveness that it has for human populations.

Psychophysiological effectiveness, however, cannot explain the use of the flesh of the Andean flicker as a galactagogue for livestock. Not that dairy animals are not subject to some of the same emotional variability that humans are. Much of what we know about the psychophysiology of lactation comes from the folk experience of dairy farmers and from modern dairy science.

Around the world, herders have recognized the effect that individual temperaments, responses to other members of the herd, being spooked by predators, being milked by strangers, and changes in daily patterns can have on the milk production of their animals. But there's no reason to suppose that adding a bit of hak'achu flesh, crayfish, or fishmeal to the monthly salt ration has any let-down effect. If these ethnoveterinary practices have the effect they are believed to have, it is because of their nutritional or pharmacological value, not because of an effect on the psychological well-being of the animals.

There are other examples of birds being used in ethnoveterinary treatments worldwide. Adolph, Blakeway, and Linquist report that among the Dinka and Nuer of East Africa, vultures are the main ingredient cooked in a soup given to sick cattle [ 40 ].

What is flickering, exactly?

They speculate that just as chicken soup apparently has a clumping effect on leukocytes which explains its value as a traditional common cold remedy [ 41 ], vulture soup may do the same. The aforementioned role of chicken soup in the post-partum diet prescribed for women in the southern Ecuadorian highlands is notable in this regard, as is the use of the turkey-like manaqaraku speckled chachalaca; Ortalis guttata spix. Beyond the general importance of health for lactation, there is a difference between treating respiratory infections and boosting milk production, however, and the remedies are not necessarily interchangeable.

One need be cautious about reference to such purported pharmacological effects, but they cannot be ruled out without testing. The similar treatments may be explained by similar metaphorical associations, with both birds soaring on the winds, or by similar biochemical effects as Adolph, Blakeway, and Linquist suggest, but given the specificity and characteristics of the birds associated, out of a seemingly wide range of functional equivalents, metaphor probably carries the explanatory weight.

The Andean condor is autochthonous, and its use in treating respiratory infections in the Andes thus has greater antiquity. In terms of functional equivalence, such historical contingencies may also help explain the preference for one over another. As noted earlier, about twenty-five pounds of corn is toasted, ground, and added to this mixture, sometimes with a few herbs.

When asked why the corn and herbs are added, people invariably respond " mihunapaq " or " para alimentacion " "for food," "for nutrition" , although the nutritional value of such small quantities of corn, in contrast to the salt, would seem relatively minor for a herd of any size.

More likely, it serves as a medium for distributing the salt. Insufficient salt can itself lead to decreased milk production [ 42 ]. Supplements with animal protein are infrequent, and the small quantity no more than a kilogram or two , is distributed throughout the herd. My host family usually prepared two piles of the salt-corn mixture, one for the cows, the other, without the flicker supplement, for the bulls, but I don't know how common this practice is.

While ruminants are better able to take advantage of most plant protein than humans, protein supplements from animal sources — fishmeal, bloodmeal, feathermeal — are used in the dairy industry in industrialized societies [ 42 , 43 ]. Protein metabolism in dairy cows is complex and the mechanisms are not well understood. While undegraded feed protein is important for milk production, the effect of animal-based supplements with a naturally low protein degradation rate is still not fully-known [ 43 ].

Most studies have been conducted on high-yielding commercial cattle breeds rather than on the criollo varieties raised by subsistence farmers in developing countries, creating problems of comparability. The practice of giving protein supplements in general may be explained in terms of the adoption of Western animal husbandry practices, with the lack of economic resources accounting for the near homeopathic quantities given in most cases. Cattle are not indigenous to the Andes, and many husbandry practices accompanied their introduction by the Spanish.

On the other hand, the use of hak'achu as a galactagogue for humans is pre-Columbian in origin and thereby predates the introduction of cattle to the Andes. What's more, neither of the two domesticated herd animals native to the Andes — the llama and alpaca — were bred to be milked, making the Inca and their predecessors dairyless civilizations [ 44 ]. Thus, the ethnoveterinary use of the bird as a galactagogue in dairying postdates the Inca empire.

Whatever role the diffusion of western animal husbandry practices plays in the giving of protein supplements to dairy animals, it does not explain the specificity of using the hak'achu. Where might the explanation lie? There seems to be a strong element of sympathetic caring for the herd, with relations patterned, as with the local landscape and other living creatures, along the lines of human social relations.

  1. 'Flickers From Elsewhere' by Donald H. Busselle?
  2. Flickers from Elsewhere!
  3. Your Answer.

In aqhata uhuchiy , herders in Q'ero and other highland Peruvian communities ritually bottle-feed corn beer to their llama soon after transporting corn from fields in the lower valley, sharing with them the prestigious product of their joint labor [ 45 ]. Beer is not only used in the Andes as a galactagogue by women, it is used as such in many places around the world, both for humans and animals. Along with fermented and sprouted sorghum seeds, for example, beer is used by the Dinka, Nuer, and other East African peoples to boost milk production in their herds [ 40 ]. In a study of salt ball feeding in the southern Ecuadorian highlands, Hirschkind has shown how the giving of salt to cattle is itself metaphorically patterned on human attributes and relations [ 38 ].

Just as salt, lard, and sugar are fundamental ingredients in the local cuisine, they are measured out, formed into balls, and served individually to the cattle on a regular basis by those who can afford to. The biological, nutritional, and psychological attributes of cattle are modeled on the corresponding human attributes. Humans and cattle are believed to share similar health problems, the hot-cold categories used to classify human illnesses and cures are applied to cattle as well, and the same herbal teas, topical ointments, and pharmaceuticals are given to both.

Such modeling of animal characteristics and care on human qualities and social relations is by no means limited to the Andes [ 46 ]. Whatever the origins of the specific association of the Andean flicker with milk production, serving it to both humans and domestic animals as a galactagogue fits well with a general tendency in the Andes and elsewhere to replicate human relations in the treatment of valuable livestock.

Galactagogues provide an especially rich and provocative research topic for anthropologists because they conjoin practical and symbolic logics, and because the very belief that a given treatment is effective often makes it so for humans, whatever the original reason for its adoption. The metaphorical associations not only substitute relations of likeness for likelihood, they have the potential to blur the boundaries between them.