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The psychology of gambling. International Universities Press; Wisconsin must act on compulsive gambling. Epidemiology of pathological gambling in Edmonton. Pathological gambling and obsessive-compulsive spectrum disorders. Are governments addicted to gambling? Blaszczynski A, Nower L. A pathways model of problem and pathological gambling. Gambling and the gambler.
A review and preliminary findings. Arousal, sensation seeking and frequency of gambling in off-course horse racing bettors. Crockford DN, el-Guebaly N. Psychiatric comorbidity in pathological gambling: Louis Epidemiologic Catchment Area study. Am J Public Health. Problem gambling and comorbid psychiatric and substance use disorders among drug users recruited from drug treatment and community settings.
Profile of the pathological gambler. Diagnosis, neurobiology, and treatment of pathological gambling. On the determinants of persistent gambling behaviour. High-frequency poker machine players. Fisher S, Griffiths M. Current trends in slot machine gambling: Characteristics of geriatric patients seeking medication treatment for pathologic gambling disorder. J Geriatr Psychiatry Neurol. Pathological gambling among elderly veterans. Expansion of gambling in Canada: Gambling participation and problems among older adults.
Is the SOGS an accurate measure of pathological gambling among children, adolescents and adults? The nature and treatment of excessive gambling. Costs and treatment of pathological gambling. Alcoholism, drug abuse, and gambling. Alcohol Clin Exp Res. Revising the South Oaks Gambling Screen in different settings. Gambling and pathological gambling among university students. Pathological gambling, gender, and risk-taking behaviors. Affective disorders among pathological gamblers seeking treatment. Casino gambling increases heart rate and salivary cortisol in regular gamblers. Medical approaches to gambling issues-I: Win or lose, Internet gambling stakes are high.
Changes in suicide and divorce in new casino jurisdictions. Silveira DX, Moreira F, editores. Pathological and nonpathological gamblers: A comparison of horse-race, bingo, and video poker gamblers in Brazilian gambling settings. Neither P1 nor P2 P3sg nos P3pl vos si consigo os, los, nos m. A Mara e o Joaquim chegaram ontem. Other verbs have five do does did done doing , four come comes came coming , three put puts putting , two can could or just one ought must.
By contrast, most Portuguese verbs have several dozen forms, neatly arrayed in six-packs called tenses. Despite such morphological luxuriance, they are quite systematic and can be mastered with a bit of perseverance and time. In this section we will cover the main aspects of verb tense formation. A verb is referred to and listed in dictionaries by its citation form, the infinitive, which shows the theme vowel followed by the infinitive marker -r, and so we refer to -ar, -er, and -ir verbs. The historical reason for this is mentioned in section 5.
The endings of the -er and -ir conjugations overlap somewhat, and most irregular verbs have tenses that form regular subsets. It also leads a ghost existence in certain formal oratorical styles or as the prescribed epistolary form in the Brazilian military. Furthermore, familiarity with these forms helps one understand older literary texts.
The theme T includes the stem, which carries the lexical meaning, plus one of the theme vowels a, e, i. The tense—mood desinence TMD identifies the tense and the mood, and the person—number desinence PND assigns a verb form to one of the persons of discourse. This is exemplified in Table 3. Some forms lack one or more of these formants, and a handful of high-frequency irregular verbs will be dealt with in 3.
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Verb tenses are grouped into three categories called moods, namely indicative, subjunctive, and imperative. There are also three non-finite or uninflected tenses, viz. In verbs with the infinitive in -ar, the theme vowel TV is -a throughout, but in verbs with the infinitive in -er or -ir, the theme vowel is either -e or -i, depending on the specific tense.
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In uninflected forms the theme vowel remains constant cf. The gerund is invariable and the participle varies in gender and number in passive and passive-like constructions only 4. The infinitive is invariable, but it has an inflected counterpart Table 3. For regular verbs, personal infinitive forms are identical to those of the future subjunctive 3.
Exceptions are P1sg, where the theme vowel is replaced by the unique person—number desinence -o, and P3sg, which has no person—number 3. This analysis applies to P3pl in other tenses as well. In negative commands, subjunctive forms are used for all persons Table 3. Imperfect, preterit, and past perfect pluperfect indicative In imperfect forms the stress falls systematically on the theme vowel -a for verbs in -ar or -i for verbs in -er, -ir.
The tense—mood desinence is -va -ve in P2pl for -ar verbs and -a -e in P2pl for -er, -ir verbs. In the preterit P1sg and P3sg lack a theme vowel and each has a unique ending. P1sg has -ei for -ar verbs and stressed -i for -er and -ir verbs, while 72 3 Words Table 3. P3sg has -ou pronounced [o] in BP except in monitored speech, which has [ow] for -ar verbs, -eu for -er verbs, and -iu for -ir verbs. The morpheme -stemay be considered a tense—mood desinence, but since P2sg lacks its usual -s ending and P2pl has -s instead of the usual -is, it makes sense to consider -ste and -stes specific endings for those persons.
In the past perfect the theme vowel is stressed throughout and the tense— mood desinence -ra -re in P2pl characterizes this tense, which in BP is largely replaced by the compound form, e. The tense—mood desinence in the conditional is stressed -ia- throughout except in P2pl, which has -ie-. In both tenses, vowel alternation has historical reasons. This future subjunctive, which has the same endings as the inflected infinitive, is formed on the stem of the preterit indicative, e. A similar situation obtains in vestir and the verbs of the first set pedir, etc.
Another type of irregularity involves changes in the form of either the stem itself or the tense—mood or person—number desinences of the first and third persons singular of the present and preterit indicative. In some cases there 3. The most frequent among such irregular verbs are listed in Table 3. Other stem variations shown in Table 3. This preterit stem naturally reappears in the past perfect, the past subjunctive, and the future subjunctive.
However, whereas poder forms the future indicative and conditional regularly poderei, poderia , dizer, trazer, and fazer have a special stem for these tenses dir-, trar-, far-. The imperfect stem has a nasal palatal consonant and a vowel rise: In addition, in these verbs the preterit has two radicals with vowel alternation: Saber and querer have both a diphthongized stem vowel in first person of the present subjunctive saiba, queira , but saber has a different diphthong in the first person of the present indicative sei , while querer is regular in the present indicative except for P3sg, which lacks the desinence -e eu quero, tu queres, ele quer.
Finally, caber, saber, and querer have a specific preterit radical P1sg coube, soube, quis , whereas requerer, though historically related to querer, is regular P1sg requeri, P2sg requereste, and so on. In addition, each has a few unique features of its own. Like estar, ser, and ir, the verb dar has, in P1sg of the present indicative, an ending ou, usually pronounced [o] or, in monitored pronunciation, [ow].
Finally, a handful of high frequency anomalous verbs show so many anomalies in some tenses that it is simpler to list them Table 3. Perfect tenses are made up of a conjugated form of ter or haver in rather formal styles and the participle of the main verb: The regular form generally occurs in perfect tenses 3. Future Future Perfect Conditional Conditional Perfect Pres Subj Pres Perf Subj Past Subj Past Perf Subj Fut Subj Fut Perf Subj ando tenho andado andava andei andara tinha andado andarei terei andado andaria teria andado ande tenha andado andasse tivesse andado andar tiver andado estou andando tenho estado andando estava andando estive andando estivera andando tinha estado andando estarei andando terei estado andando estaria andando teria estado andando esteja andando tenha estado andando estivesse andando tivesse estado andando estiver andando tiver estado andando sentence, such as a verb, an adjective, or another adverb.
The fact that the words we call adverbs are lumped into a single category, however, is a holdover from traditional grammars, and much work remains to be done to understand exactly how they work Ilari As in English, so in Portuguese there are words that double as adjectives and adverbs. In fact some adverbs originate from lexicalized prepositional phrases, such as depressa 3. Like nouns and adjectives, some adverbs may be modified by the diminutive suffix -inho 3.
The resulting adverb has the same basic meaning and some added connotation: Deictic adverbs signal the location of something in relation to the speaker or some other point of reference. Quem pode mais, chora menos. Here are a few examples: Coordinating conjunctions join two or more like elements with like status. Ele trabalha e ela estuda.
Ele vive como um rei. Ele estuda feito louco. Ela ronca que nem um anjinho. Ele saiu quando a gente estava chegando. In such cases, the lexical meaning of the word remains the same. Furthermore, inflectional variation is limited to closed sets of desinences that 3. To put it in another way, inflection rearranges existing language stock within a self-contained system, but it does not create new words. In order to create new words other processes are used, such as derivation, compounding, reduplication, clipping, and acronyms. Modifying suffixes Table 3.
This process gave origin to a hybrid system in which some adjectives have a regular superlative while others preserve the original root and yet others have both, as shown in Table 3. Transforming suffixes create new words that may belong to a different grammatical category from the original word. Some, like -ada, -ida, change verb stems into nouns denoting an action: These distinctions, however, are not necessarily perceived alike by different speakers. Compound adjectives also show considerable variation.
Sometimes an old prefix reincarnates with a new meaning. It consists in repeating a base form or a clipped version thereof, as in coll. Some reduplicated kinship terms are virtually lexicalized: This kind of judgment has nothing to do with the words themselves. That there is nothing universal about these rules becomes apparent when we learn that Portuguese allows all three sequences: In this chapter we will analyze some rules governing the basic patterns of such arrangements in Portuguese, and we will pay closer attention to structures that usually require a bit more attention from learners.
Part of the problem is that such constructions do not have a counterpart in English, or if they do as in the case of articles and possessives , they are governed by different rules. Unless otherwise indicated, our presentation concentrates on standard usage acceptable to educated speakers. As in English, there is substantial variation between this educated standard and the non-standard usage found among the uneducated — what is often referred to as popular speech.
A point to keep in mind, however, is that in spoken Brazilian Portuguese, colloquial usage among educated speakers shows many non-standard features typical of popular speech, which tends to depart significantly from that standard. Some of these labels — standard, non-standard, 99 4 Sentences colloquial, and so on — are somewhat vague and denote ranges of language acceptability. We will return to these matters in Chapter 7. The meaning of a phrase or sentence depends partly on the meaning of its words and partly on its internal structure, that is the way the words relate to each other. We will take up each of these in turn.
The mechanism responsible for this process is called agreement. Nominal agreement applies to nouns and adjectives. Tu e eu vamos ao clube. If we compare the sentences in 3a—3b to those in 3c—3d, we realize how word order contributes to meaning: A crucial syntactic feature is that the verb agrees with the subject in person and number.
In examples 4a—4f, the relationship indicated by each preposition is shown in parentheses: Marta passou por Paris. Ela vinha de Pasadena. Ele trouxe a bagagem de Daniel. Certain verbs, such as sair, chegar, ou acordar, may stand alone with their subject, as in A Joana saiu? Os nativos vendiam flores.
Cardoso Gomes escreveu Contracanto. Contracanto foi escrito por Cardoso Gomes. The semantic roles of actor and patient remain the same despite the fact that 6a and 6b have a different syntactic structures. In 6a Cardoso Gomes is the subject of the verb escreveu and Contracanto is its direct object. In 6b there is a passive construction 4. Likewise, in 7a the nouns have the same semantic roles as in 7b: The syntactic functions of those words, however, vary in each case.
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English allows one more passive variation, in which the benefactive appears as the subject: Paulo was given an apple by Lucretia; this construction, however, does not work in Portuguese. Keeping semantic roles separate from syntactic functions Table 4. The entity person or thing on whom the action is performed Direct object active sentence: O banco foi assaltado. Whoever receives a thing or favor which is the semantic patient Indirect object: Paulo deu um canivete ao filho.
Whoever or whatever originates a process though not an action Subject active sentence: Any one of these three types may be either affirmative or negative. Eles moram em Lisboa. Sente-se aqui ou ali, por favor. Actually, in BP double or even triple negatives are perfectly correct and actually considered more polite in an answer as in 9c than using a single negative word. The verb phrase may include one or more noun phrases, as in 10b, or other phrase types, shown schematically in 11a—11c. Sentence structures are highlighted by bracketing in the examples.
Adverbial phrases, shown in 13a—13c, provide additional information on how the action referred to by the verb is performed. Morphologically, an adverbial phrase AdvP can include an adverb in -mente as in 13a, an adjective functioning like an adverb as in 13b, or a prepositional phrase, as in 13c. Marina fala [AdvP [Adv rapidamente]]. Constructions are possible in certain poetic styles which need not concern us here.
Comprei uma casa de tijolos. Adverbs may be combined in sequences, as in 16a—16c. When two adverbs in -mente are coordinated, it is possible to drop the suffix from all but the rightmost one: Greta anda [AdvP [Adv muito] [Adv rapidamente]]. Eu quero o carro [PrepP de Henrique]. All verbs, except impersonal ones 4. The predicate, as its name suggests, contains information that is stated about the subject, e. Verbs like those in 21a—21b, which require a noun phrase that plays the syntactic function of direct object that corresponds to the semantic patient in active sentences 4.
Unlike English, however, it also allows null direct objects that are understood from the context, as in the replies in 22c—22e: This component usually corresponds, in sentences like those in 23 , to the semantic benefactive. They may come in enclitic position, that is, after the verb 26a or in proclitic position, that is, before the verb 26b. A third possibility, namely mesoclitic position, with the clitic placed inside the verb, applies only to forms of the future or the conditional 26c—26d.
Though used in European Portuguese, mesoclitic constructions only occur in BP as school-learned forms, usually in formal styles. EP Entregar-lho-ei em Berkeley. EP Dar-te-iam os presentes. Our non-exhaustive presentation will deal first with the unstressed pronouns me te se nos vos lhe lhes 4. In unmonitored BP, however, proclisis is the general trend. Sentences like 27a—27c belong to a relatively careful level of speech in BP, where proclisis, even in utterance-initial position, is habitual in spontaneous speech, as in 27d.
Parece-me que vai chover. Pretende-se construir um hospital nesse lugar, mas eu duvido. While 29a is possible in either EP or BP, 29b is normal in colloquial EP; given the general trend to avoid both clitic pronouns and direct commands, 29e would be a likely alternative in BP. BP A senhora desculpe. EP Isto irritou-me profundamente. EP Eles perguntaram-me se queria vir.
BP A Denise me pediu um favor. BP Essas coisas me chateiam muito. BP, on the contrary, tends to have the pronoun proclitic to the main verb, with no hyphen, as in 32c—32d. The hyphenated variant used to be the norm in written BP but both forms coexist nowadays. EP Ele tinha-me falado desse assunto. BP Eu tenho te visto na praia. BP Eles queriam me avisar desse problema. Acabou de passar aquele cara que te ligou hoje cedo. Ele disse que me emprestava o dinheiro.
Eu te chamo assim que me disserem alguma coisa. Ele trouxe um livro para te dar no Natal. As mentioned in 3. In BP this practice is limited to monitored speech 38a , whereas in unmonitored speech the clitic may be left out altogether 38b: Although lhe s may occur with this function in monitored BP, it is rare in unmonitored speech. Senhor Paulo, eu tenho um documento para lhe entregar. O gerente chamou o porteiro para lhe entregar o abono.
BP Quero dar isto aqui para o senhor. BP Ele queria oferecer um livro ao professor. BP Seu Paulo, eu quero lhe ouvir sobre esse assunto. Paulo, I want to hear you about this subject. As such, they often have the specific function of an indirect object 4. Another is that of agent of a passive construction, with por 42e—42f: EP Desculpa-me, mas esse documento deveria ser assinado por ti. Isso nunca foi aprovado por mim. One example is the use in BP of the first person prepositional pronoun mim as the subject of a verb in the infinitive, as in 44a, where a prescriptive rule would call for eu, as in 44b: EP Isso foi feito por si?
In 46a—46c the verb conveys a truly reflexive action in which the actor and the patient have the same referent. EP Banhas-te todos os dias?
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Alice olhou-se no espelho. Selma lembrou-se de que tinha um encontro. A minha cidade se chamava Batatais. O Daniel se queixa sem motivo. It is not surprising that such reflexive clitics should be regularly dropped in unmonitored BP, as in 49a—49d, a topic to which we will return in 7. Eu deito e levanto muito tarde.
Eu arrependo muito de ter abandonado a faculdade. Sentence 50b, in turn, ambiguously allows for two interpretations: O marido e a mulher se mataram. Ela descia o morro todo dia e dizia que adorava a praia. Note that some such verbs can be used figuratively with a subject, 52b. O senador trovejou insultos. BP Fazem oito meses que ele faleceu. BP Houveram muitos problemas. BP Tinham muitas pessoas na Noca ontem? Other constructions with two or more verbs, however, present specific features that will be analyzed in the following sections.
The subject noun phrase contains the semantic patient. The semantic actor, if there is one, appears in a prepositional phrase introduced by por or, in archaizing styles, de. O desfile da escola de samba foi patrocinado pela prefeitura. O trombadinha ficou enterrado no mato. In 56c the state expressed by the participle arruinada is irreversible, but in 56d it may be reversed, provided the prohibition is lifted. In 56e—56f enterrado and confirmado likewise convey a state created by an action, but the focus is the result rather than the action itself.
In 57a and 57b anda and vive suggest a continuing or repetitive situation, perhaps more intensely in the latter case. Adalgisa anda deprimida ultimamente. Ele vivia amargurado pela morte do filho. Teve um momento que quase eu me vi perdido, mas consegui superar. Infelizmente o diretor acha-se completamente enganado. Ela anda bebendo muito. Pode deixar isso em cima da mesa. Eu vou acabar votando no PT. Meu marido acabou de sair. Os sequestradores acabaram por se entregar. Eu hei de me vingar daquele canalha.
One way of doing this is by means of a passive without an agent phrase 65a—65c. Foram sequestrados dois industriais no fim de semana. Os sequestradores foram presos na quinta-feira. Naquele tempo se estudava de verdade. Em Lisboa vive-se muito bem. Aluga-se quarto para rapaz solteiro.
Vendem-se apartamentos novos e usados. Then stir it well, adding crushed ice. Sweeten [it] to taste and then drink [it] in good company. This is particularly apparent when the verb is intransitive and thus cannot be related to a patient. Since reflexivity requires an actor and a patient with the same referent, intransitive verbs cannot participate in a reflexive action. A transitive verb such as comprar, vender, or alugar 66c—66d appears in the third person singular form if the semantic patient is singular muito gado, quarto.
Prescriptive grammarians have traditionally adopted a formal interpretation for such constructions: Constructions without agreement, like 66f or 66g, however, occur regularly in the language and cannot be dismissed simply as resulting from poor grammar. The indeterminate se construction is a unique combination of semantic and syntactic features Azevedo , and should not be analyzed as a variant of other sentence types, such as reflexives or passives.
Sentences like 68a may have a reflexive reading, with portas as the apparent actor and patient, as when we interpret them to mean that opening and closing results from an automatic process. This is clearly different from a reflexive sentence with vender such as 68c. Esses apartamentos se vendem sozinhos.
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Aquelas pobres mulheres tinham que se vender para comer. Although the glosses in 69b suggest a semantic equivalence between the indeterminate se and agentless passives, it does not follow that they are structurally equivalent: Coordination 69 a. The subject—verb agreement in sentences like 68a is simply the result of the subject portas being interpreted as a plural and the structure being formally reflexive — without implying, however, semantic reflexivity Perini Other syntactic devices for leaving the semantic actor unidentified include verbs in third person plural, with or without the pronoun eles: Para desmontar a pistola, primeiro tira o carregador.
Passei a luz vermelha, o meganha me multou, meu dia estragou. Ele nem come nem deixa comer. Vens comigo ou vais com elas? Ele trabalha tanto como o outro rouba. Quanto mais a gente trabalha, menos dinheiro tem. Once it becomes a constituent of the matrix, the subordinate clause functions like a noun nominal clause , an adverb adverbial clause , or an adjective adjective or relative clause.
This is probably why the incidence of subordination increases in direct proportion to the level of formality. Whereas an informal chat tends to rely more on coordination, a formal presentation say, at a university lecture is likely to rely more on subordination, particularly in technical and scientific fields Marques Thus the bracketed NP in 77a and the bracketed embedded sentence in 77b function as the direct object of the transitive verb anunciaram: Eu perguntei [NomC como eles vinham]. If the same connector such as que is needed in both clauses, it may be omitted in the second clause in informal speech, as in 81b: Eu sabia [[Nom que ele estava sem carro] e [Nom ia chegar atrasado]].
Also, the clause que fala yes — — — — yes yes yes yes Variable o qual m. A restrictive clause provides information essential to characterize the noun phrase functioning as its antecendent. O amigo [RelC que me ajudou] mora em Coimbra. They are usually set off by commas that correspond to slight pauses in speech. The adverbial clause is embedded in the matrix by a conjunction or a conjunction-like construction made up of que and one or two words: A gente ia chegando [AdvC quando ele puxou o carro].
Papai trazia presentes [AdvC sempre que viajava]. A gente vai na boate [AdvC quando sobra dinheiro]. Consequently they may be moved around, so that 85g could just as well be Quando sobra dinheiro, a gente vai na boate, or A gente, quando sobra dinheiro, vai na boate. Since some connectors may be used in any one of the three types of embedded clauses 86a—86c, the classification of the subordinate clause depends on the function it performs in relation to the matrix clause. Although it hardly ever occurs outside formal speech and writing 7.
Subordination 90 a. What is called the subjunctive in English is not a verb tense with its own forms, but rather a syntactic construction McArthur Likewise, in the past, the infinitive would also be used, as in Her lawyers insisted that she take as opposed to took the Fifth Amendment. In if-clauses with the verb to be, the subjunctive construction appears, again in formal style, as were: In colloquial usage the regular past form is used: If I was rich; if she was my wife.
The subjunctive occurs primarily in subordinate clauses, where it is governed by an element present in the matrix. Since the nuances expressed by the subjunctive would require a whole volume, this section will be limited to an overview of its main uses. Os outros [NomC que se ocupem disso]. Eles [NomC que se danem! Such sentences commonly occur in exchanges like 98a—98b, where the volition verb present in the question is understood in the reply. Eu imagino [NomC que ela vem, sim]. Eu imagino [NomC que ela venha, sim].
Acredito [NomC que ela vem, sim]. Acredito [NomC que ela venha, sim]. The indicative suggests an antecedent perceived as actual and specific, as in a. If that antecedent is viewed as a hypothetical entity, however, the verb will be in the subjunctive b: Eu quero comprar a moto [RelC que foi anunciada no jornal de ontem]. Eu quero comprar uma moto [RelC que tenha pouca quilometragem].
Eu quero comprar uma moto [RelC que foi anunciada no jornal de ontem]. Not so in b, where the subjunctive tenha suggests that no specific motorcycle with low mileage is known to exist, even though there is nothing improbable about its existence. In c cooccurence of an indefinite article uma moto and an indicative form tem suggests the speaker is aware 4 Sentences of a specific motorcycle, which may simply be out of sight at the moment of the utterance.
In d, finally, the definite article suggests a specific entity, but its cooccurrence with the subjunctive suggests it is hypothetical — for example, an ideal motorcycle that the speaker knows has yet to be made. These possibilities may be described by means of two variables, definite and hypothetical, to which we assign positive or negative valences, yielding four combinations: Quero te apresentar uma sogra que trata bem o genro. With conjunctions in group 1 , which introduce clauses that carry an assumption of reality a—c , there is no choice and therefore no contrast in mood.
There is no contrast, since the verb is always in the subjunctive, as in a — c. Trabalhou cinco meses [AdvC sem que lhe pagassem nada]. Eu trabalho [AdvC para que me paguem]. Mood choice here corresponds to whether the event in the adverbial clause is perceived by the speaker as fulfilled indicative or as yet to be fulfilled, either because it is non-factual or because it is still in the future subjunctive.
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The prototypical conjunction case is the temporal conjunction quando a— h: Eu entreguei o dinheiro, [Adv desde que eles me deram um recibo. Eu entreguei um recibo [Adv depois que me deram o dinheiro]. A verb in the indicative signals the assumption that the condition has been fulfilled. This may be a permanent situation, as in the case of a past event calling for the verb in the past subjunctive a—b. In c—d the verb in the future subjunctive signals a condition that may yet be fulfilled.
Talvez ele chegue hoje. In BP it is far more used in writing and in formal, monitored speech than in unmonitored speech, where its frequency is rather low. Perhaps because of that it has been suggested Martin that speakers of BP who learn the inflected infinitive do so through formal instruction rather than natural aquisition. Even so, data from spontaneous speech are scarce, and consequently the phenomenon is far from being fully understood and linguists underscore the provisionality of their claims Perini This brief presentation concentrates on the essentials and follows the main lines of the analysis given in Perini , a.
In a—d the inflected infinitive occurs in a sentence that serves as a complement to another sentence, to which it is connected by a preposition. A key factor here is whether or not an overt subject is associated with the verb in the infinitive, which is inflected if its overt subject is different from the subject of the other sentence, as in a—b.
If there is no overt subject, inflection occurs if the subjects are different, as in c, and it is optional if the subject is the same, as in d. A Dora deixou umas revistas para a gente ler. Comprei uma garrafa de vinho para a gente beber hoje de noite. Vamos comprar uma garrafa de vinho para beber hoje de noite. If we replace Madalena with a plural noun phrase, then the infinitive may be inflected or not, as in c—d.
This means that in constructions involving a verb of perception followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive, the infinitive may or may not agree with the noun phrase. The situation is made a little more complex because not every native speaker agrees that sentences like b can have an inflected infinitive if the clitic is in the plural: In spoken BP, where ele s is regularly used as a direct object 7. Eu mandei os meninos fazer umas compras. Eu mandei os meninos fazerem umas compras. Eu sempre deixo eles brincar na rua.
On the other hand, where word order may vary, sentence constituents are distributed in information bundles so as to facilitate comprehension. The subject is the head noun phrase NP , and the verb V , together with the object NP and other complements such as prepositional phrases and adverbial phrases, if any constitute the predicate. Variation in word order modifies the distribution of information by focusing on one component or another. What lies outside the topic constitutes the commentary. A productive process for varying word order consists in inverting the terms of the unmarked order.
Example a is an ordinary sentence of the type SV, which if given as a reply to a question like E a Selma? In b the verb chegou provides a background for the new information contained in Selma; this sentence might be uttered as a reply to Quem chegou? This displacement of a component to topic position is known as topicalization. In b passivization topicalizes the reference to the parade, placing the information focus on the new information regarding who did the sponsoring, which constitutes the commentary. A Prefeitura patrocinou o desfile da Morro Branco.
O desfile da Morro Branco foi patrocinado pela Prefeitura. The unmarked SVO distribution of sentence a is an unexceptional statement, 4. Eu mando na minha casa. Na minha casa, eu mando. Na minha casa, mando eu. Since the speaker is free to choose what will be topicalized, other arrangements are possible. The main clause then becomes the matrix of a subordinate clause introduced by a relative pronoun such as que.
As shown in c, quem is possible if the antecedent is human. Foi esse povinho que invadiu a fazenda. Fui eu que pus os convites no correio. Foi ela quem trouxe essas revistas. Quem invadiu a fazenda foi aquele povinho. Such modifications affect sounds phonetic and phonological change , the shape of words morphological change , the structure of phrases and sentences syntactic change , the make-up of the lexicon lexical change , and the meaning of words semantic change.
Given enough centuries, a language can be changed into a substantially different one. In this chapter we will consider some of the diachronic processes responsible for transforming popular spoken Latin into Portuguese. A major obstacle, however, is that understanding those processes requires a knowledge of Latin, which most students nowadays lack.
Consequently, we will only sketch a few of the major processes involved in the development of Portuguese, and complement our diachronic view with samples of earlier stages of the language, in order to give a panoramic notion of how it grew. In the heyday of the Roman Empire, the speech of the cultivated patrician minority, on which literary, or classical, Latin was based, was a highly inflected language.
Accompanying words such as adjectives and determinants, as well as pronouns, were likewise marked by case endings. In this popular Latin, spoken by the majority of the population, the inflection system tended to be simplified. As case endings were merged or dropped, two compensatory devices became indicators of syntactic function. One involved more extensive use of prepositions; the other was a more fixed word order. As in Portuguese or English today, popular speech also used many words not found in literary works, although many have survived in graffiti see below.
Likewise, literature employed many terms that were not used in the spoken language. It deserves special mention. Long thought to have been written in the third century AD, its compilation is 5. It involves complex processes largely arising from a widespread tendency to relax the articulation of some speech sounds, and to compensate for this by exaggerating the articulation of others. Eventually, it affects the contrasts between phonemes, thus leading to changes in the phonological system. Phonological change happens when one phoneme coalesces with another, or splits into two new ones, or simply is lost altogether.
Such rearrangements often induce modifications in the morphology of words, affecting morphemes that signal syntactic relations. This is what happened to Latin case endings. Given its generic aim, however, our presentation will be limited to examining some of the processes that occurred in the formation of Portuguese, without regard to their absolute chronology. Such changes may involve simple modifications of a phonetic nature. For example, voiceless consonants may become voiced in intervocalic between vowels position, possibly due to their assimilation to the vowels, which are voiced.
Thus Portuguese ended up with a set of nasal vowels before syllable-final consonants and in word-final position. In the examples in the right-hand column, the original word-final vowel was fused with the preceding nasal vowel: A major unconditioned sound change in the popular Latin of the Iberian Peninsula was the loss of duration as a phonological contrast. Classical Latin distinguished between short single and long double consonants. Loss of this distinction caused double consonants to became short, that is, single in Portuguese. Since voiceless consonants derived from Latin double consonants remained voiceless, we can assume that voicing process was no longer operative by the time double consonants were shortened: As the long vs.
Vowel duration, no longer signaling a phonological contrast, became a function of word stress: The result of such changes in the speech of Galicia was a system of seven vowels in stressed position that has persisted in contemporary Galician and Portuguese Table 5. Let us take an example from the first declension. These changes may be summarized as follows: Palatalization involves displacing the point of articulation to an area closer to the palate.
While palatalization gave rise to no new vowels, it frequently altered their quality. This sound, which already existed in Classical Latin, became much more common through the operation of various processes in popular speech. This is the process documented in examples like lancea non lancia found in the Appendix Probi 5. Today this process appears in Brazilian Portuguese, in popular pronunciations such as demonho for st. Note that in this instance the palatal glide still exists in Portuguese. In fact, the palatal glide often palatalized both 5 Portuguese in time the immediately following consonant and the preceding vowel.
An example of this is popular Lat basiu, where the glide first jumped to the preceding syllable, i. This process created affricate and fricative consonants, some of which, however, did not end up being palatal themselves. The four phonemes were distinguished in spelling: This four-way contrast, based on the manner of articulation dorsoalveolar vs.
One of these, in the area south of the Douro, 5 Portuguese in time Table 5. Addition of a phoneme within a word is called epenthesis. For instance, sequences of vowels in hiatus often became separated by a consonant, the nature of which was conditioned by the phonetic features of one of those vowels, usually the preceding one. In turn, the vowel then lost its nasal articulation. The loss of vowels in word-medial position is called syncope, and was especially frequent in unstressed syllables, whether posttonic or not. Although Classical Latin did not have a definite article, it had a set of six fully declined demonstratives.
One of the most common of these, ille—illa—illud, developed into a definite article in popular Latin. The Portuguese definite article developed from the accusative forms illu m , illa m , with loss of the first syllable il- in most cases. Thus in pre-literary Portuguese, there were four forms of the definite article, inflected for gender and number: By analogy to meu. In medieval and early modern Portuguese, the other two demonstratives often appeared with initial aqu- aqueste, aquesse , by analogy with aquele.
The derivation of Portuguese possessives from Latin ones was quite straightforward, with some important adjustments: As mentioned in section 5. First, several processes of amalgamation reduced the declensions of nouns and adjectives from five to three. Secondly, the neuter gender disappeared as a formal category, leaving only vestiges, such as the socalled neuter determinants isto, isso, aquilo 3. Finally, nouns and adjectives 5 Portuguese in time lost the case inflections that indicated their syntactic functions. In consequence, variation in gender was reduced to masculine and feminine only.
In Portuguese and other Ibero-Romance languages, noun and adjective forms descend regularly from the accusative form of Latin nouns and adjectives. Nouns in -a were mostly feminine: Nouns in -u were mostly masculine, e. Since in Portuguese most nouns in -u were masculine and those in -a were feminine, the endings -o and -a ended up being associated, respectively, with the masculine and feminine. Neuter singulars in -u were reinterpreted as masculine, e. The plural forms, as objects of prepositions, are identical to the subject pronouns.
Instead of a specific pronoun for the third person, Latin used the demonstrative is—ea—id to refer to someone other than the speaker or the hearer, or to something not associated with either. In popular Latin is was replaced by the demonstrative ille—illa—illud, whose paradigms furnished most of the forms of the third person subject and object pronouns in Romance. Exceptionally, the third person subject pronouns preserved a Latin nominative, i. The plural forms eles, elas were formed by adding -s to the singular.
These four forms also function as objects of prepositions and, in popular Brazilian Portuguese, as direct objects 7. Loss of the resulting initial l- when it followed a vowel then yielded o, a, os, as. The latter descend from the Latin datives il li and il lis, where apheresis of the first syllable yielded OP li, lis. The latter form served as a basis for the indirect object pronoun lhe, which replaced li, and lhes was formed analogically. To express reflexivity 4. The dative form sibi, like tibi, became the object of prepositions, si.
The ablative form se combined with the 5 Portuguese in time Table 5. What follows is a very streamlined overview. The core of the Latin verb system included four formal categories called conjugations. In addition to the denotative, that is lexical, meaning of the verb, a Latin verb could display up to four categories of grammatical information, namely, 1 tense present, past, or future ; 2 mood indicative, subjunctive, or imperative ; 3 person and number; and 4 voice active or passive.
One aspect was the infectum, or imperfective, meaning an action not completed. The relationships between imperfective and perfective forms can be seen in the scheme below based on Penny Present Past Future Anterior Indicative Imperfective Perfective Subjunctive Imperfective Perfective amo amabam amabo amem amarem amavi amavero amaveram amaverim amaverim amavissem Of these tenses, only those in boldface have survived. Further, amavi was restricted to the past punctual meaning where it contrasted with amabam.
A periphrastic future perfect was also formed, namely habere habeo amatum vs. The conditional was morphologically like the future but with the past tense of the auxiliary verb: For the other persons, as well as for the negative forms of these two imperatives, forms of the present subjunctive are used. One was the infinitive per se, the infectum form amare, a verbal noun. In the passive voice, the subject corresponded to the semantic patient.
The new construction accepted an explicit agent of the passive 4. In passive constructions, however, the participle retains its adjectival character, and thus agrees with the subject of the verb in gender and number. Prepositions and conjunctions Use of prepositions as a syntactic device, common in popular Latin, increased in Romance, allowing many Latin prepositions to survive in Portuguese. Future perfect tiver amado Past perfect tivesse amado Inflected infinitive: Swapping those endings creates a different sentence: As contrasting case endings were lost, prepositions and word order were increasingly relied upon to signal syntactic function.
A more rigid order then tended to favor the sequence subject — verb — object SVO as a kind of default, 5. The order verb — object — subject, for example, is used when we want to focus the subject, as in 1a—1b: