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Responses of European Local Production Systems Chairman of the stay or go, may grow or decline, but strong local competencies will provide a kind of.
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In case of a default, the loss of value or units is absorbed equally by all members, which makes it a mutual credit exchange. For instance, a member may earn credit by doing childcare for one person and spend it later on carpentry with another person in the same network, or they may spend first and earn later.

Decline and abolition of the poor law system - Wikipedia

Many people have difficulty adjusting to this different kind of money system. A conventional national currency which yields interest to savers and costs interest to borrowers incentivises different behaviours to mutual credit which has no commodity value and no interest. Most groups range from 50— members with a small core who use the system as a way of life. After flourishing in the s, the LETS movement is mostly now populated by the same aging people.

History of local government in England

Interest in local currency has moved on to other designs such as time-based currency and dollar-backed local voucher schemes. On the whole, the movement has been slow to adapt to the internet and to the possibility of networking together. Currently, apart from flailing national organisations, there are two LETS networks based on free software: Community Exchange Systems , and Community Forge. LETS are generally considered to have the following five fundamental criteria: Of these criteria, "equivalence" is the most controversial. The first LETS required nothing more than a telephone, an answering machine and a notebook.

LETS is a full-fledged monetary or exchange system, unlike direct barter.

LETS members are able to earn credits from any member and spend them with anyone else on the scheme. Since the details are worked out by the users, there is much variation between schemes. LETS is not a scheme for avoiding the payment of taxation, and generally groups encourage all members to personally undertake their liabilities to the state for all taxation, including income tax and goods and services tax. In a number of countries, various government taxation authorities have examined LETS along with other forms of counter trade , and made rulings concerning their use.

Local exchange trading system

This generally covers the vast majority of LETS transactions. In such cases, the businesses are generally encouraged to sell the service or product partly for LETS units and partly in the national currency, to allow the payment of all required taxation. This does imply, however, that in situations where national-currency expenditures would be tax-deductible, LETS must be as well. In a number of countries, LETSystems have been encouraged as a social security initiative.

For example, in Australia, Peter Baldwin , a former Minister of Social Security in the Keating government, encouraged LETSystems as a way of letting welfare recipients borrow against their welfare entitlement for urgent personal needs or to establish themselves in business. Since its commencement over 30 years ago, LETSystems have been highly innovative in adapting to the needs of their local communities in all kinds of ways. For example, in Australia, people have built houses using LETS in place of a bank mortgage , freeing the owner from onerous interest payments. LETS can help revitalise and build community by allowing a wider cross-section of the community —individuals, small businesses, local services and voluntary groups —to save money and resources in cooperation with others and extend their purchasing power.

Other benefits may include social contact, health care, tuition and training, support for local enterprise and new businesses. One goal of this approach is to stimulate the economies of economically depressed towns that have goods and services, but little official currency: Local exchange trading systems now exist in many countries. On the CES such trading exchanges between countries are known as 'remote' trading. The Community Exchange System allows new members to sign up directly, list offers and wants, and enter trades without assistance from the administrator.

Ithaca, New York has been running its Ithaca Hours program since In German speaking Europe there are lots of local "Tauschring", or "Tauschkreis" exchange circles networks which share all sorts of services. The Tauschring network in Germany provides software for most schemes in the German-speaking world, and CES now has over participating associations, able to trade between each other with a process sometimes called intertrading. A lthough the Republic's Founders dreaded the divisiveness of "faction," political parties have proved essential to the promise of American democracy. Parties bridge the structural bias against government activism in the constitutional separation of powers and allow ordinary citizens who lack economic influence to aggregate political power.

Hence, a strong party system is more crucial to liberals than conservatives. Yet parties have long been in decline, supplanted by media, money, interest groups, and candidate-centered politics. The party platform, once the fulcrum of great national debates, scarcely matters today.

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And, paradoxically, some of the very reforms that progressives designed—to clean up politics, empower ordinary people, and buffer the excesses of a market economy—have weakened parties, thus making it harder to elect durable progressive governing coalitions. It remains to be seen whether parties can recover, or whether liberals can thrive without them.

A century ago, procedural reformers attacked the crude, often corrupt populism of nineteenth-century parties. Civil service reforms, such as the shift from party caucuses to direct primaries and the direct election of senators, weakened the role of party bosses and party discipline. Beyond ridding politics and government of graft and corruption, progressives such as Theodore Roosevelt and Herbert Croly sought to use the power of the national government to improve the lot of ordinary people.

To progressives, strong, professionalized government and cleaner politics went logically together. W ith the New Deal, federal income support programs such as Social Security, unemployment insurance, and the minimum wage replaced the bucket of coal and Christmas turkey with which the ward boss rewarded the party faithful.

By vastly expanding the scope of the executive branch, FDR further eroded parties. It "was thus suited to congressional primacy," and "would have to be transformed into a national, executive-oriented system organized on the basis of public issues. Roosevelt faced not only a recalcitrant Supreme Court but the reactionary wing of his own party in Congress.

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In FDR succeeded in killing a Democratic National Convention rule requiring presidential nominees to get two-thirds of delegate votes, which had given southern Democrats a near veto. By the middle of his second term, Roosevelt sought to nationalize party politics, hoping to make Democrats the nation's explicitly liberal party and the Republicans the conservative one. FDR's failed purge campaign of sought to rid Congress of conservative Democrats unwilling to support his reforms. It took half a century, punctuated by a civil rights revolution led by Democrats, Nixon's Southern Strategy, and the dying off of incumbent Dixiecrats, before Republicans became the natural conservative party in the South.

By then, Democrats had been weakened as the national liberal party. Truman and Kennedy were government activists but party regulars. In contrast, Lyndon Johnson, like Roosevelt, strengthened the executive branch, expanded the welfare state—and weakened the party. Though Johnson took full advantage of a large partisan majority in Congress, he nonetheless viewed the institutional Democratic Party as a rival power base, curtailing the budget and activities of the Democratic National Committee.

His antipoverty program funded grassroots political activism in inner cities, which deepened the rift between insurgents and Democratic elected officials. The two most recent Democratic presidents, Carter and Clinton, were outsider candidates and often explicitly anti-party presidents.

Carter disdained the Democratic party machinery in favor of personal campaign strategists. Clinton, both via "triangulation" and in his campaign fundraising, has often been a rival of the party-as-institution. Ironically, too, even reforms explicitly intended to strengthen parties often backfired. The shift toward primaries, begun by Progressive Era reforms, decreased the sway of party regulars but without increasing mass participation.

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Two generations later, in the wake of Eugene McCarthy's campaign for the presidency and Mayor Richard Daley's heavy-handed response to protests at the Chicago Democratic National Convention, reformers sought to take the nominating process out of the hands of party bosses. Before the election, state parties and state laws had determined the process. Delegates were selected through a combination of primaries and conventions; the latter were often controlled by regulars in proverbial smoke-filled rooms.

SA's universities credibility on a decline

With the new system devised by the party's McGovern-Fraser Commission, almost four-fifths of delegates to the Democratic National Convention were selected through direct primaries, and even the remaining slots were opened to mass participation. As a result, more women, minorities, and young people could participate in the process.

Such reforms were necessary and admirable, but they gutted the institutional party and unwittingly contributed to the rise of candidate-centered campaigns. I n the past two decades, politics has become increasingly a process of raising money to pay for polling and TV commercials. The candidate speaks directly to the public, and the party is scarcely in evidence.