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cesco il Vecchio di Carrara, former signore of Padua (d. ).2 . no. For the history of the last Carraresi, see Cittadella, 11, ; also see C. Gasparotto.
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Although Jerome was ordained in the church of Antioch, he in- sisted on freedom from that church and selectively exercised the sacra- mental ministries. From Antioch, he continued his pilgrimage to Con- stantinople, where he studied with Gregory of Nazianzus. In , he moved to Rome, where he assisted Pope Damasus and counseled aristo- cratic women. With typical bravado, Jerome later claimed that, had jealous clerics not driven him from Rome, he would have been elected to succeed Damasus as pope. He worked hard to fulfill the pope's commission to revise the Latin translation of the Gospels.
Jerome's thorough scrutiny of the sources taught him the complexities of textual scholarship: Be- cause Jerome began to change translations that had long been used in the liturgy, he added to the controversy swirling around him. His oppo- nents insinuated that he had no right to tamper with the sacred text.
While taking the first steps toward the Vulgate translation, Jerome also advised an intimate circle of aristocratic women. His counsels help us understand the character of a Christian spirituality that took root in Rome in the second half of the fourth century. The letter that he wrote to Julia Eustochium, daughter of his confidante Paula, became a classic presentation on the ideal of consecrated virginity. With purposeful irony, Jerome praised a virgin's potential fecundity, and he encouraged Roman women to study the Scripture. He actually taught some of them Greek so well that they were more fluent in the language than church leaders like Ambrose.
Virginity, therefore, might help to propagate learn- ing. There was also an undeniably radical streak in Jerome's advocacy of " Hieronymus Ep. Jerome 7 virginity, as he came to see sexual activity as "intrinsically defiling. By meddling in the life of Paula's eldest daughter, Blesilla, Jerome piqued the anger of the Roman elite.
Unlike her sister Eustochium, Blesilla had thrown herself into the spirited life of aristocratic society. Even after her husband's sudden death, she continued to attend closely to matters of fashion and style. Some time thereafter, the young woman found herself bedridden with fever; while recuperating, she underwent a conversion along the lines that Jerome had long recommended.
Aban- doning her dedication to life's pleasures, Blesilla plunged into a rigorous regime of mortification and the study of Hebrew. Within four months, however, her body gave out under the strain of her new lifestyle. When Blesilla's mother Paula collapsed in grief at her daughter's funeral, Je- rome decided that he had to rebuke her for such indecorous behavior?
Meanwhile, he did little to moderate his truculent outbursts. When Jerome attacked Helvidius for questioning the perpetual virginity of Mary, he belittled the state of marriage. When he addressed his fellow clerics, he caricatured them as effeminate glut- tons bent only on enriching themselves. When he lectured Roman so- ciety in general, he challenged some of their most cherished values, espe- cially pietas. In August of , Jerome set out on a new pilgrimage to the eastern Mediterranean.
In the company of Paula and Eustochium, he toured the various monastic communities of Egypt and the Middle East. Eventual- ly, the little band of exiles settled at Bethlehem, founding separate mo- nastic communities of men and women. Jerome found the years that immediately followed among the most fulfilling of his entire life. He had few worries because Paula assumed the considerable expenses in- volved in his scholarly activities: Jerome was free to concentrate on his pastoral and scholarly tasks.
To care for his flock, he preached in local congregations, gave spiritual direction to the female members of the monastic community, and taught in the school he had established. To assist believers through his learning, he produced scholarly writings at a pace that Eugene Rice has justly charac- terized as "stupefying.
Early in , after eight years of relative tranquillity, Jerome im- mersed himself anew in controversies regarding the definition of Chris- tian doctrine. Regrettably, he gave those disputes a personal edge. One disagreement pitted him against his boyhood friend, Rufinus. From Hippo in North Africa, Augustine wrote Jerome to express his dismay that so great a rift now divided church leaders once joined by the deep- est bonds of affection. Ostensibly, Jerome and Rufinus fought over the legacy of Origen and matters of episcopal jurisdiction.
In a scornful apologia, however, Jerome did not conceal his jealousy of Rufinus who had become intimate friends with a holy woman named Melania. Worse still, the controversy led him to underline the inescapable risk of temp- tation whenever men and women gathered in the same place. A lifelong spiritual advisor to pious women, Jerome now claimed that such associa- tion must perforce be seen as extremely dangerous. Jerome also took umbrage when Augustine wrote to him and ques- tioned his translation and exegesis of specific biblical passages. Sarcasti- cally, he conceded that a mere ascetic like himself should never presume to disagree with so exalted a bishop.
Jerome condemned the misplaced optimism of Pelagius and his naive belief that Christians might achieve moral perfection here on earth. To refute Pelagius, he felt it sufficient to point toward the overwhelming power of lust. See further KeWy, Jerome, Jerome 9 fifth century. A disgruntled mob, spearheaded by followers of Pelagius, attacked and burned Jerome's monastery. Their pillaging probably destroyed the library of books that he had painstakingly collected from his youngest days in Rome.
Grief for the loss of his precious volumes was compounded by the deaths of Paula in and Eustochium late in or early in Jerome had also learned that Visigothic warriors had breached Rome's seemingly impenetrable walls in Deprived of his intimate female associates and his books and convinced that Alaric's sack presaged the end of the world, he died in Bethlehem around Despite his forceful description of life as a hermit in the desert, Jerome found more happiness in the palaces of aristocratic ladies and powerful priests, including the pope himself.
During his long years in the monastery at Bethlehem, he rarely separated himself from his most trusted associates. He preached to local congregations, supervised arriving pilgrims, and dictated to scribes as he advanced his scholarly activities. And he never ceased to minister to pious women. In the final analysis, therefore, Jerome's learning over- shadowed his eremitic ideals: Despite his lingering unease at combining the practice of asceticism and the study of secular writings, Jerome made himself the best textual scholar of his era, and it would be centuries before Christendom produced exegetes of compara- ble ability.
His primary genius lay in the instinct to scrutinize the books of Scripture in their original languages. In the assessment of J. Kelly, Jerome made himself "one of the greatest of Latin stylists," even as the Roman Empire collapsed around him. In many ways, Jerome seemed deficient in the qualities that might make him the object of a popular cult.
Only his female advisees had been con- sistently privy to the kindness of his heart. The extreme ascetical ideals that he had sanctioned mirrored the fury of his temperament. By extracting the thorns from his polemics and underlining his submissive obedience to church authority, he might safely become the object of Christian devotion.
Much of the history of his cult from his death in to the dawn of the revival of classical studies in reveals how devotees created the legend of a domesticat- ed Jerome. The earliest biographers of Jerome, working from the fifth to the twelfth century, rearranged the chronology of his life in an effort to highlight the events that best served their own purposes.
Jerome's movements declared his ascetical ideals, culminating in a grueling stay in the wilderness near Cal- chis. Similarly, the biographers made Jerome an exemplar of the virgini- ty he had so vigorously advocated, even though he himself had admitted that he had lost his virginity as an adolescent in Rome. Anachronistical- ly, they assigned him the rank of a cardinal-priest, thereby endowing him with a status to rival the other great intellectual saints of the Latin Church.
Ambrose and Augustine had served the community as bishops, while Gregory the Great was elected to the supreme office of bishop of Rome. Jerome's biographers refused to allow him to remain on the lower rung of mere presbyter. The Image of St. Jerome," in The Painter's Choice: Etude d'iconographie etde spiritualite, Images a I'Appui 2 Paris: Temi e problemi tra umanesimo e controriforma," Clio 23 Girolamo," in Miscellanea Geronimiana: Scritti varii pubblicati nel XV centenario della morte di San Girolamo Rome, , , who identified Nicolo Maniacoria as the author of the twelth-century biography of Jerome.
The three principal biographies are 1 Anon. Hieronymus noster , ca. Plerosque nimirum , ca. Maniacoria, Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi vita, ca. See also Russo, Saint Jerome, Jerome 11 during the period of the Gregorian Reform in the eleventh century? He first achieved the status of a wonder-worker through the aforementioned taming of a lion. Jerome's biographers almost certainly borrowed the story from the legend of Saint Gerasimus, a revered Palestinian anchorite of the fifth century.
The legend can ultimately be traced to an anecdote preserved by Aulus Gellius. Because an escaped Roman slave by the name of An- drocles had extracted a thorn from the paw of a lion, he thereby gained a friend who would not devour him when he was thrown to the wild animals in a Roman circus. After Androcles, the story of the lion then passed from Gerasimus to Jerome, facilitated by the colloquial pronunci- ation of their Latin names Gerasimo-Geronimo.
However, as narrated by Jerome's biographers, the miracle also helped to magnify his standing as an advocate of cenobitic monasticism. Once subdued, the lion was told by Jerome to guard the ass who carried water to the monastery for the use of the monks. After initially proving less than vigilant, the re- morseful lion eventually fulfilled Jerome's command with exemplary religious obedience. Although he had successfully tamed a lion, he still had to wait several centuries for his first confirmed ex voto.
In a twelfth- century biography, a biblical scholar by the name of Nicolo Maniacoria claimed that Jerome had saved his mother from death during childbirth. As Anna Morisi Guerra aptly observed, Jerome went centuries without such an attribution because no one probably thought to pray to him. Hieronymus noster first inverted the chronology; see Vaccari, "Le antiche vite," 8.
The legend of Jerome's virginity ultimately derived from a remark of Marcellinus Comes d. A second Carolingian biography inc: Plerosque nimirum claimed that Jerome was raised to the office of cardinal; the anonymous biographer thereby compounded the error of a predecessor who had asserted that Jerome was ordained in Rome. See Vaccari, "Le antiche vite," 14, 18; and Lanzoni, "La leggenda," In the twelfth century, Joannes Beleth attributed liturgical standardizations of the Carolingian era to Jerome and then inflated their importance; see Lanzoni, Vaccari argued that the story passed from Gerasimus to Jerome through the literary medi- ation of the Pratum spirituale of loannes Moschus, who died in Rome in In letters attributed to distinguished ecclesiastical contemporaries of Je- rome, the forger narrated the holiness of the saint's death in heroic defense of the faith and the miracles that he had performed before and after that exemplary death.
He emerged in that context as a champion of orthodox faith, lending his prestige to the inquisitorial activities that engaged many Dominican friars. This apologetic approach to theology not only bolstered the efforts of inquisitors who saw themselves defend- ing Latin Christianity from internal subversion but also those of crusad- ers who sought to vanquish Christendom's formidable external enemy, the infidels of the Moslem religion. Conveniently, Jerome was said to have arranged the transfer of his own relics from Bethlehem to Rome in , after the last stronghold of the Latin kingdom had fallen to the Mamluks.
Just a few years later. By the early fourteenth century, sufficient data had now been added to the record of Jerome's activity in order to make his sanctity heroic for a much broader range of Christians. The rest of that century saw the consolidation and institutionalization of his cult in the Latin West, espe- cially in Italy and Spain.
In the second half of that century, five new congregations of religious men were established, all of them proud to place their monastic observance under the patronage ofJerome. Though distinct groups, the Hieronymites shared a common spirituality, which focused largely upon penitential exercises.
The members of Hieronymite congregations lived a life of rigorous poverty and often chose not to be ordained. In keeping with their ascetic ideals, they looked with hostility on education in secular matters. In keeping with their image of Jerome as a champion of orthodoxy, they used his status as a doctor of the church to ingratiate themselves to church authorities. In that respect, the Hieronymites set themselves apart from groups like the Spiritual Fran- ciscans, with whom they shared an emphasis on strict poverty.
Jerome 13 tic emphasis of the Hieronymite cult ofJerome took visual form as well. Portraits of Jerome as an emaciated penitent in the wilderness adorned their churches and monasteries, even though that sojourn in the desert proved less defining than the popularity of such depictions would lead one to believe. Dismayed by the lack of reverence for Jerome in Italy and inspired by the success of the forged letters, Giovanni d'Andrea assembled a compendium that he appropriately entitled Hieronymianus.
The volume included a biography of the saint, extensive excerpts from his works, and recommendations for fostering his cult in Italy. Giovanni hoped that devoted adherents of Jerome would further exploit the materials he had put together. Much like the great compendia that then served university instruction, the Sentences of Peter Lombard and the Decretum of Gratian, Giovanni's tribute to Jerome gathered a vast amount of information.
However, Giovanni himself tended to treat the information rather indiscriminately. Despite admitting his fascination with Jerome's linguistic abilities, Giovanni did not see the study of classical languages as a way to improve education and expand cultural horizons. And even though Giovanni recommended that artists portray Jerome as a cardinal in his study, the image of a penitent Jerome, who meditated upon the cross and his sins in a wilderness far removed from his books, remained much more popular.
Only with the flowering of the humanist movement in Italy would Jerome become the inspiration once again for serious philological study of the Bible. Even so, the first two generations of humanists treated Jerome as an opponent whom they had to answer rather than a scholar whom they wished to emulate. There are examples of Jerome in penitence as contrasted to only examples of Jerome in his study. See further Russo, Saint Jerome, L'am- biente e I'opera Vicenza: Influenza agostiniana, attinenze medievali Turin: Bottega d'Erasmo, , ; Ronald G.
As public recogni- tion of his ability, Mussato had recently won a laurel crowning. Begin- ning with Francesco Petrarca , humanists also wrestled with the issue ofJerome's dream and his condemnation as a Ciceronian. They spent much time interpreting Jerome in a way that, if it did not make him quite favorable to the cause of the humanities, would at least blunt the effect of his negative attitude toward pagan literature.
Petrarch himself emphasized that Jerome continued to study Cicero even after his oath not to do so. Consequently, Jerome's writings betrayed an inherently Ciceronian style. However, Petrarch preferred the interiority of Augustine to Jerome's more activist spirituality. Petrarch wrote to Giovanni d'Andrea and expressly disagreed with Giovanni's rankingJerome a better scholar than Augustine. Petrarch and his early disciples preferred to look to Augustine as the primary Christian model for their literary and scholarly efforts. Giovanni Boccaccio sawJerome's stated oppo- sition to the poets as selective and felt that Jerome really objected to the obscenity of comedy.
Moreover, Boccaccio upbraided critics of humanism for quoting Jerome's remark about the "verses of poets" without any refer- ence to his further comments. In that same letter, Jerome had appealed to the book of Deuteronomy to indicate the ways in which Christians might appropriate the most worthy elements of classical culture. Toward the end of the fourteenth century, Coluccio Salutati likewise contended that those who presented Jerome as a doctrinaire critic of classical poetry badly distorted the saint's thinking.
Jerome had paraphrased Virgil in the very same letter in which he cautioned against the dangers of poetry. Salu- tati felt that the dream simply reiterated Jerome's fundamental conviction that one should not engage in excessive study of classical works. Thus, the first two generations of humanists were compelled to deal with the figure of Jerome primarily because opponents of humanism pointed to Jerome as a religious authority hostile to pagan learning. Those humanists showed no special reverence toward the saint and often found him a problem. A Path to Sanctity through Humanism In keeping with his personal experience and his humanist studies, Pier- paolo Vergerio the elder ca.
Vergerio closely associated the saint with the formative experiences of his childhood. To render homage to its blessed patron, Vergerio's family offered a banquet on his feast for the local poor and the domestic servants of their household. Vergerio's family was con- vinced that Jerome had rewarded their loyalty by protecting their flight from Capodistria to Cividale del Friuli during the War of Chioggia His sermons and letters, written to extol Jerome on his feast-day 30 September , rep- resent the concrete fruit of that commitment. Three of the sermons are dated: From internal evidence, it is clear that three sermons were delivered to monks who fol- lowed the rule of Benedict 1, 5, and 10 at a rural monastery.
Two of the sermons were given in the region of Istria 3 and 6. Evidence in eight of the sermons 1, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10 establishes that none of them was the first that Vergerio delivered. Yet, in more than one instance, the content and form of Ver- gerio's sermons demonstrate that he evaluated the tradition with the critical eye he generally brought to historical research.
In fact, he shaped the material to his broader goal of fostering a cult of Jerome that would make him the patron saint of humanist studies. Though Vergerio dis- cussed Jerome's envious rivals in several sermons, he alluded only once to the farcical story that some of them attempted to destroy his reputa- tion by leaving a woman's dress near his bed.
Vergerio also praised Jerome for his ascetic withdrawal into the desert, and he admit- ted that he liked to quote the famous passage in which Jerome had de- scribed his sufferings. Vergerio's surviving sermons bear him out: In keeping with recent traditions, then, Vergerio's Jerome exemplified the value of asceticism, but that asceticism did not spring from a rejection of secular culture and all of the dangers associated with it. Rather, it sprang from Vergerio's concern for interior freedom, which acquired authentic expression when one controlled selfish and libidinous desires.
Nor did Vergerio concen- trate exclusively on monastic piety: Moreover, Vergerio stressed that Jerome tamed the lion not only by removing the thorn but by instilling a sense of his trustworthiness. Similarly, Vergerio accepted the legend that Jerome was a cardinal, though he winnowed away the details surrounding the appointment that he found in previous sources. He actually claimed that Jerome deserved to be ranked higher than his fellow Latin doctors, but he did not use the criterion of hierarchical office to defend that claim.
Rather, he used a criterion of useful scholarship, according to which he felt that Jerome had proved himself superior to Augustine, Ambrose, and Gregory the Great. Vergerio's first attempt to derive the etymology of Hieronymus was based upon information in the Legenda aurea, a passage that Gio- vanni d'Andrea likewise cited in the Hieronymianus. Vergerio's Perspective 17 first time in determining the correct etymology of "sacred name.
No enemy of learning, Vergerio's Jerome instead testified to the value of humanist scholarship for biblical exegesis and for an authentically catholic piety. Vergerio explicitly drew a parallel between the Christian doctors who aided the res publica Christiana through their preaching and writing and the humanist orators of antiquity who aided the res publica Romana through their public speeches and their historical writings. Vergerio used his portrait of Jerome to promote rhetorical education based upon classical standards and to advance certain proposals for church reform.
He praised Jerome for his knowledge of letters peritia litterarum because Vergerio felt that an education in letters made it possible for Jerome to be successful in his various ministries. By letters, Vergerio meant proficiency first of all in the Latin language, and then in Greek and Hebrew. These linguistic abilities helped Jerome to become an expert philologist. By letters, Vergerio also meant eloquence, in which Jerome attained the standard of excellence set centuries earlier by Cicero.
On one occasion prior to his permanent move to the papal court in and repeatedly thereafter, Vergerio discussed Je- rome's dream. Vergerio interpreted the dream as a warning to Jerome that he shift his scholarly priorities. Humanist learning should provide the skills necessary to undertake serious philological study of sacred let- ters. Vergerio suggested that virtually all of Jerome's exegetical works came after that frightening experience.
He could never have accom- plished his scriptural studies, however, without thorough grounding in the three relevant languages, nor had he ever ceased to study pagan lit- erature. In quibus tamen tantum est peregrinae historiae, tantum gentilium fabularum extemaeque disciplinae, omnia ad fidei usum accommodata ut nihil aliud dies ac noctes egisse quam ut ilia conquirat videri possit.
Sed et de fide tot tantaque praescripsit ut nusquam ei vacasse libros gentilium legere facile credi queat. He had under- taken vast projects like the revision of the Vulgate translation in order to provide vital assistance to a variety of ecclesiastical activities. Vergerio attempted to characterize the supreme value of the scholarship of Je- rome by claiming that no one had ever written anything more essential to the life of the believing community.
Secondly, Jerome proved to be a scholar in the Ciceronian mold because he had safeguarded the persua- sive power of his ethos. Vergerio fused the title of Christian doctor with the ideal Roman orator, an upright man skilled in public persuasion. That is the best type of learning, in which one confirms by the example of his life what he has publicly advocated that all should do.
Three times, Jerome gave dramatic proof of the degree of interior freedom that he had achieved. First, when all thought that Jerome would be chosen as the next pope, he left the city of Rome. He overcame the temptation to grasp supreme power in the church and of- fered a noble example of indifference. By leaving Rome altogether, he also stymied those jealous Roman clerics who had intrigued to under- mine his influence at the papal court. Secondly, Jerome went to study under Gregory of Nazianzus at a moment in his career when he was considered one of the most learned scholars of the day.
Consistent with the ideals of Socratic philosophy, Jerome remained constantly aware of the limits of his knowledge. Finally, during his time as a hermit in the Syrian desert, Jerome suffered intense temptations to abandon his asceti- cism and return to the carousing of his adolescence. Vergerio accurately legend of Jerome, the fourteenth-century authors had even assigned him competence in several other languages. Vergerio returned to Jerome's description of himself as "trilinguis"; see Lanzoni, "La leggenda," Illud enim est optimum doctrinae genus, ut, quod ore quis faciendum monet, vita exemploque suo comprobet.
Those who simplistically saw such withdrawal as a flight from life's challenges did not understand the movements of the spiritual life. Above all, Jerome concerned himself with fidelity to the values that he advocated and usefulness to others. Employing a healthy dose of the pragmatism that Vergerio admired, Jerome had adapted his actions to the needs of his day. Vergerio likewise adapted his message to the needs of his audience. When speaking before monks, Vergerio emphasized the importance of reform through observance of the rule.
Too many monks, in Vergerio's estimation, had surrendered to the temptation to relax the zeal of their commitment. They should be inspired to reform by the example of Jerome's integrity. Jerome's biographies of the desert fathers, replete with vivid descriptions of their austere lives, reinforced that message. Though monks in Vergerio's day might not reach the heroic levels of sanctity of those early hermits, they could certainly imi- tate the desert fathers by practicing charity. Once they renewed them- selves, they might help monastic life to flourish once again.
Vergerio also used his praise of Jerome to indicate other areas where the church had need of reform. He suggested that preaching had lost vigor because preachers were solely concerned with achieving populari- ty. Their appeal to moral values suffered because they themselves led such dissolute lives. Jerome had once reminded preachers that the faith- ful frequently ask themselves why a given preacher did not do the things he urged them to do.
Unlike the ascetic Jerome, contemporary clerics were wealthy and well-fed. Worse yet, they openly sought advancement in the ecclesiastical hierar- chy. Jerome had left Rome when his election as pope seemed guaran- teed. In Vergerio's day, two rivals claimed to be pope and refused to consider any resolution of the schism that might endanger their own standing.
Vergerio wondered how anyone could be surprised to see ' Epist, Qui ergo recte docet et ita vivit ut docet, vere ille doctor est; qui aliter, mendax et se ipsum sententia sua condemnans. By "passing over those miracles in silence," a use of the rhetorical figure of paralepsis, Vergerio implicitly censured the tales of wonder-working in the forged letters. The letters improperly pandered to the credulous instincts of the common people.
Vergerio offered a spirituality that emphasized the im- portance of learning for an elite group of educators and scholars. Never- theless, in one of the sermons, he did describe a miracle that Jerome performed on behalf of two pagan travelers, whose curiosity had led them to set out for Bethlehem in order to see the grave of Jerome.
The two young men lost their way and wandered into a forest where they were spotted by a band of thieves. Jerome intervened to protect the two travelers by making them appear to be a much larger group. The rob- bers immediately retreated when they felt they were outnumbered. Once the protagonists had grasped the nature of Jerome's miraculous in- tervention, they were moved to action. The pagans accepted baptism while the thieves entered a monastery. The miracle reflected Vergerio's convictions in three important ways. First, Vergerio had not forgotten the protection that Jerome of- fered to his family on the road to Cividale del Friuli, Secondly, Vergerio consistently saw vision as the most significant and powerful of the hu- man senses; he would easily recall an instance when Jerome accom- plished his miraculous purpose by creating an optical illusion.
Finally, of all of the miracles attributed to Jerome, Vergerio chose one worked on behalf of two non-believers. Having demonstrated that Jerome assisted pagans and criminals, Vergerio assured his audience that Jerome would be generous toward all Christians and Catholics in particular, if they venerated his name. Vergerio thereby transformed Jerome from the enemy of humanist learning to a proof of the value of those studies for the believing community, especially for its "sacred philology.
He con- sciously changed the manner of preaching common in his day. In the introduction to a sermon that Vergerio delivered in , he told his audience that he was omitting a thematic verse from Scripture as the basis for his remarks. Once he did that, he no longer had to structure the sermon as an explanation for the relevance of the scriptural theme.
He could rather concentrate on the life of Jerome. Vergerio therefore used the rhetorical topics of a panegyrical oration as specified in the classical handbooks. He had become conversant with those topics in those same years as he wrote epideictic speeches for the Carrara court in Padua. As a matter of fact, scholars who have investigated Renaissance preaching have not found any earlier examples of sermons based upon classical norms. Even Vergerio ac- knowledged on one occasion that his avant-garde methods were causing controversy.
In September of , he prepared to deliver a panegyric for Jerome during a moment of unusual happiness. Just a few weeks earlier, Vergerio had written a poem to describe his idyllic life at the court of a generous patron. Michael Mooney New York: The outline for a thematic sermon on Jerome prepared by Vincent Ferrer demonstrates the traditional methods that Vergerio rejected. For the outline, see Les Sermons Panegyriques, edited by H. Beauchesne, , In sermons and tracts, Dominici claimed that humanist studies in no way assisted a believer and at times proved positively harmful.
Dominici specifically censured the manipulative power of orators trained in classical principles. The Florentine Dominican seemed to be the one opponent of humanism who understood the importance of rhet- oric to ancient culture. Dominici used that importance to emphasize the dangers of a humanist education. Vergerio also became increasingly concerned when Innocent did not fulfill his promise to call a council which would address the problem of the Western Schism. A rebellion in Rome the previous year had threatened Inno- cent's position, but with his authority restored, Vergerio saw no excuse for further delay.
Vergerio's panegyric on 30 September addressed both of those concerns. In response to the criticisms of Giovanni Domi- nici, Vergerio presented Jerome as epitomizing the humanist ideal of education that Vergerio had already traced in a treatise entitled De inge- nuis moribus ca. He had mastered a variety of disciplines that included the three biblical languages, Ciceronian oratory, history, and literary criticism.
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Vergerio also claimed that Jerome had approached theology from de- pendable perspectives, utilizing his linguistic skills to interpret the text of Scripture. Pegasus, , 60; and Ger- mano Gualdo, "Antonio Loschi, segretario apostolico ," Archivio storico italiano , no. For Bruni's activity at the court, including his drafting of a bull announcing the reestablishment of the University dated 1 September , see Gordon Griffiths, "Leonardo Bruni and the Restoration of the University of Rome," Renaissance Quarterly 26 Basil Blackwell, , ; and Daniel R.
Lesnick, "Civic Preaching in the Early Renaissance: Image and Religious Imagination in the Quattrocento Syracuse: Vergerio's Perspective 23 him one of its doctors. Speaking before a distinguished audience of Roman clerics, Vergerio again confronted the problem of Jerome's dream. He claimed that the dream had only censured excessive enthusi- asm for humanist studies, and not their pursuit. As a matter of fact, Jerome's entire career demonstrated that he had enriched the church's theology by interpreting Scripture with sound training in the biblical languages and history.
Furthermore, Jerome exemplified the sort of ethical cleric that the church needed in every era. Jerome had more in common with the virtuous pagans of antiquity than he did with many clerics of the fifteenth century. Though Jerome almost certainly would have won election as pope, he preferred to leave Rome for a life of asceticism. In Vergerio's day, two popes clung to their authority, there- by causing a prolonged schism.
God had endowed Jerome with holiness sufficient to tame a lion in order to demonstrate that patience and kind- ness best served the cause of overcoming hatred. Innocent VII should approach the rival camp in Avignon with the same patient kindness. Instead, Gregory had taken refuge at Lucca, where he compounded the problem by violating his oath not to appoint new cardinals.
When several of his cardinals protested by leaving, Gregory sent a papal army into Florentine territo- ry to arrest them. In his panegyric for Jerome, therefore, Vergerio once again hammered away at favorite themes. Jerome exemplified the appropriateness of secular learning and the importance of interior detachment, which he had proven by ceding to his enemies and withdrawing from Rome.
Renaissance Texts Series 10 Bing- hamton, N. The portrayal ofJerome as a Christian scholar who endorsed the value of humanist studies galvanized subsequent exponents of the movement. A half century later, Timoteo Maffei argued that eloquence gave philosophy and theology their persuasive force, while Lorenzo Valla claimed that Jerome's dream had really condemned the study of philosophy, not the humanities. In Valla's estimation, the humanist disciplines actually provided an ideal preparation for authentic theology.
Radical in word and deed. Valla undertook an incisive philological study of the New Testament based upon his knowledge of Greek. As human- ists, Vergerio, Maffei, and Valla restored Jerome to his study where he engaged in scholarship useful for believers. And humanist panegyric of Jerome helped to inspire Renaissance artists, who depicted him as a scholar in the service of the church.
The beardless face suggests that the artist has por- trayed Jerome as a contemporary scholar-cardinal, perhaps Nicholas of Cusa. More importantly, Antonello has stripped Jerome's study of the symbols of mortality—the skull and the hourglass—that traditionally guided the saint's meditations. Now Jerome is surrounded by symbols that suggest the lasting value of his endeavors: The artist has invested Jerome's humanist activities with a lasting quality of value for believers.
And he has followed the lines of thought traced by humanists like Vergerio because he placed Jerome's study within a church. When Antonello da Messina devised the setting for Jerome at work.
Storia della dominazione carrarese in Padova scritta da Giovanni Cittadella
Smithsonian Institution Press, , Vergerio's Perspective 25 he revealed a special genius. Humanist studies here appear as an "elevat- ed activity" for a leading churchman. There is an openness and mutuali- ty between the scholar's activity and the believing community for whom he labors: Jerome works calmly there; the environment is so serene that a cat falls asleep as the faithful lion saun- ters down a side aisle.
Antonello implied that the church enriches itself when its learned members offer sanctuary to cultural traditions that go beyond the official boundaries of belief. And the raging lion within is thereby tamed. At their best, humanist studies foster a sense that truth has no value unless it impinges upon the way a believer lives. A dialogue with broader cultural traditions, in Vergerio's estimation, made Jerome the great servant of the church's needs in the late fourth and early fifth century and prevented him from blundering wholly into the radical asceticism that guided his severe admonitions about human sexuality.
Vergerio suggested to his contemporaries that they should imagine for a moment the character of Jerome's piety without the tempering influ- ence of his humanism; he had a point. Quinternions with signatures in the lower right-hand corner. Vertical catchwords within right-hand margins below last line. Writing above the top line. Illuminated initials and Italian decora- tion. The first leaves were replaced in the early sixteenth century with substitutes on which a French artist painted the arms of Cardinal Georges d'Amboise in one case over those of Cardinal Guillaume Bri- 9onnet.
Written in antiqua by scribe who signed both volumes in his characteristic way: Scholars have identified the scribe as Neri Rinuccini Brepols, , 1: Un primo censimento, Inventari e cataloghi toscani 18 Scandicci [Florence]: La Nuova Italia, , 1: De la Mare believes that Cardinal Giovanni of Aragon d. They are listed in the inventory of the French Royal Library pre- pared by Nicolas Rigault in no. Hieronymus, Epistolae et opuscula. The scribe copied the works from the edition in two volumes printed at Parma, Sanctissimum doctorem fidei nostrae. Philo Press, , 1: Catalogue general des manuscrits latins Bi- bliotheque National Paris: Ar London, British Library, cod.
Arundel Not seen; description based upon bibliography. Cart, in octavo, s. Humanist cursive hand of high quality. Formerly owned by Jakob Spiegel von Schlettstadt Selestat. From a donation of Thomas Marshall Hieronymus, Epistolae et opuscula 1 fols. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hie- ronymiana, 1: Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 1: Hieronymi, quae et pulcherrime fecit illigari. Boldt, , n. According to The Dictionary ofNational Biography, Manuscripts 31 6 fols. In hac vita positi fratres 3 fols. Ferventissimi in terrenis, fragm. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hiero- nymiana, 2: Sanctissimum doctorem fidei nostrae copied from vol- ume one of the editio princeps printed at Rome, Josiah Forshall, The Arundel Manuscripts, vol.
La tradition manuscrite des oeuvres de saintJerome, Instrumenta patristica 4 Steen- brugge, Belg.: Petri, , 1: XL56 Cart, in folio. XV 2 -XVI in. Late numeration in ink in upper right-hand corner. Unnumbered single folios after fols. Venice, , , Naples, , Salo, ; fols. Venice, , ; fols. Collation uncertain due to poor state of codex: Plain horizontal catchwords that correspond to quires catchword also on fol. Average of 33 lines on ca. Single column except for poetry in double column fol. Humanist cursive hands; Smith identified those of the notary Paolo ' The microfilm that I received from the library shows that the folio numeration for the sermon has been changed to fols.
The older foliation is still visible immediately above the new numbers. Non sinit obscurum facinus ; fol. Inns- bruck, , Wiirzburg, Average of 34 lines on ca. Average of 38 lines on ca. Humanist cursive hand with marked chancery characteristics, 4: Hodie Manuscripts 35 mihi fratres carissimi ; 3 fol.
Sermo hodie mihi ad vos, fragm. O altitudo divitiarum, fragm. Pro redintegranda uniendaque ecclesia ad Romanos cardi- nales oratio. Combi, "Un discorso inedito," ; 7 fols. Girolamo Vergerio possessed that part of the codex in the first half of the seventeenth century. The four parts were bound together by the time Abbot Giovanni Brunacci acquired the codex. Brunacci's heirs sold the manuscript to Tommaso Giuseppe Farsetti cod. Half-parchment binding covered by brown marbled paper X mm.
New library shelfmark pasted onto fifth panel of spine. Etimar, , 1: Bp Padua, Museo Civico, cod. Padua, , Venice, Late signatures A-K all majuscules; "F primo" and "F secundo". Plain vertical catchwords against right-hand margin; they correspond to quires no catchwords on , , , Single column with writing above the first line.
Certain titles, ini- tials, and marginal cross-references in red ink. Humanist cursive hand of high quality that also wrote marginal corrections, emphases, and notes on text. Half-leather binding covered by marbled paper in blue, white, and black tones X mm.
Spine has lattice decoration and hexagons. Title on spine reads: Ad perpetuam rei memo- riam Petrarca, Opera, 3: Filium mihi genitum scito cf. Cum tuas nuper Andronice ed. Haec ad perpetuam ipsius memoriam in cellula ubi continuo morabatur descripsit inc: Laura propriis virtutibus illu- stris ed. De Nolhac, Petrarque et I'humanisme, 2: De situ et conditione urbis lustinopoli- vinciarum attributed to Lorenzo Valla The text of Vergerio's Vita Petrarcae has for a colophon, "P. Vergerius manu propria" 16 , suggesting that the scribe copied Ver- gerio's autograph. Bravo served as chancellor of Verona from to Tantam esse huius sanctissimi sedis 12 , Responsum.
Habuisti dilecta filia coram nobis oration and response in Pii II Orationes, ed. De dig- nissimo funebri apparatu in exequiis. Cum viderem praetor magnifice cf. Sabbadini, "Giovanni da Spi- limbergo," 64 Francisci Pisani Veronensis praetoris. Animadverti saepe- numero magnifici viri cf. Sottili, IMU 12 : Georgium Lauredanumfunebris oratio Molin, ed. Qui celsitudinem tuam his tempori- bus adeunt cf. Ronconi, "Lauro Palazzolo," 20 Bern.
Sanctissime ac piissime pater cum devotissimi Bern. D, 2-D, 3; Piccolomini, Opera inedita, ed. Cu- gnoni, 21 Sanctissimum doctorem fi- dei nostrae ; 4 Eiusdem Pro Sancto Hieronymo elegantissima oratio inc: Hodie mihi fratres carissimi ; 5 Ep. Ferrante, "Lombardo della Seta," 23 Anon. Legimus Tullium Ciceronem Romanae virtutis cf. Bertalot and Jaitner-Hahner, Initia, 2.
Salutati, Declamatio Lucretiae Menesto, ed. Nuper accidit quod et ipse probavi cf. Stegmiiller, Repertorium Biblicum, 1: De lesu Christo quern tibi cf. Apparuisti com- patriota noster 29 Pietro del Monte? In sede postmodum patriarchali 32 Ps. De amandis colen- disqueparentibus sermo elegans et litteris aureis descrihendis inc: Paren- tum meritis subiugans filios PL Segarizzi, Manuscripts 39 [no.
Labat animus quo se primum 35 Anon. Nescio praesumptuosus frater amande 36 Laelius, inc: Diebus istis quibus apud te 37 Marcus, inc: Posteaquam Laeli tu pro humani- tate 38 Anon. Delapsus sum nescio quo fato 39 De sacerdotio domini lesu translatio Latina inc: Tempore lustiniani imperatoris Christianissimi '' 40 Raffaele Reggio, Ep.
Terentii Co- moedias sex, dated Venice, publ. Quem petiso lector studiosissime cf. Bertalot and Jaitner-Hahner, Initia, 1: Dedit litteram tuam utriusque 44 Anon. Reminiscenti mihi alias ad te 45 Epistolam tuam quae ad me ; 3 Ep. Nulla res venire in humanis. BAV, , The recipient of the following letter, Bartolomeo Girardini, translated the work.
However, the incipit given in Iter 1: Fulgosius [La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, ; 11 Ep. Luiso, Studi, ; 16 , cont. La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole di Sicco Polenton, ed. Istituto veneto di scienze, lettere, edarti 93, no. Paolo Vergerio il vecchio," Studia Oliveriana 2 Modern foliation in black ink in upper right-hand corner. Late fif- teenth-century monastic binding of woodboards with half-leather cover- ing in poor condition.
Leather portion decorated with interweaving design of circles and diamonds; towards spine there are large rectangles cut by double lines. Traces of single closing centered along right edge apparently thong with metal clasp. Five nerves on spine. Piccard, Die Ochsenkopfwasserzeichen, 6. Horizontal catchwords within pyramidal decoration to right of center.
Writing above the first line. Single and double columns. Brescia, , Udine, ; fols. Venice, , , Various line initials red, red and blue with decoration, solid blue ; titles generally in red ink guides occasionally present. Semigothic cursive hand of mediocre quality.
Sermo de laudibus Beati Hiero- nymi habitus in anniversario natalis eius inc: Sanctissimum doctorem fidei nostrae copied from volume one of the editio princeps printed at Rome, fol. Ennio Sandal suggests probable origins of part I in the Benedictine scriptorium of San Faustino in Brescia early in the fif- teenth century. Part II has a terminus post quem of ca. Since the binding originates from the second half of the fifteenth century, the codex had assumed its pres- ent form by then.
From Paolo Guerrini to the library in table of contents on second flyleaf and foliation apparently by Guerrini. Inside pastedown has "Chi 72" in pencil. C Oxford, Bodleian Library, cod. Watermarks caught in binding: Venice ; fasci- cles , Brunissoir, sim. Udine ; fascicles , 15, 26, Lettre M; fascicles , , 30, 34, Enclume, sim. Udine ; fascicles , 16, , a single unidentified water- mark, s. Modern foliation in pencil; there are errors in calculating the front flyleaves and in numbering fols. Old numeration of first five folios of a quinternion visible in fascicles , 25, in the upper right-hand corner.
Catchwords centered between margins and correspond. Ruling of lines irregular, at times through pricking and drypoint 27 lines and at times in ink average of 29 lines. Ruled surface averages X 70 mm. Written in ink in a single column. One initial decorated in black ink fol. Space left for line initials to fol. The principal scribe wrote fols.
IV- XI, lOv, A second hand added the letters of Vergerio on fols. Marginalia and emphases in later hands. The principal scribe wrote in a Humanist cursive of high quality. The parchment flyleaf may be the original binding. Purchased by the Bodleian Library in library stamp on fols.
Late binding in brown leather X mm. The spine has four nerves framed by gold fillets and shows damage from woodworms and moisture. The first panel has the impression "" and the second a maroon tag with gold let- tering: A second set of fillets encloses a mandorla. IVv-XI, l-2v blank 2 fols. De principibus Carrariensibus et gestis eorum liber fol. De ingenuis moribus liber incipit Gnesotto, ed. De ingenuis moribus et liberalibus studiis adulescentiae," fols. Sanctis- simum doctorem fidei nostrae ; 3 fols.
Gloriosi doctoris ac patris nostri ; 4 fols. Hodie mihi fratres carissimi ; 5 fols. Cano- nici later bought most of the codices from the Ca Comer. I manoscritti Canonici e Canonici-Soranzo delle biblioteche fiorentine Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis lesu, , ; and J. Mitchell, "Trevisan and Soranzo: Sermo mihi hodie ad vos, dated Padua, ; 7 fols.
Veni ad vos fols. Clarendon Press, , 4: E Modena, Biblioteca Nazionale Estense, cod. Modern foliation in lower left-hand corner in pen- cil. Binding in brown leather X mm. Front and rear covers framed by double vertical and double horizontal black lines. The upper spine reads in gold lettering: Mit allen 81 Orig. Lithographien, davon 80 altkoloriert. Victor Rendu ; Adolphe Dittmer. Dittmer, Hommage de respect et de reconnaissance". Un "Roret" peu banal.
As an editor, and sometimes merely as a regular contributor. Poe wrote a great deal of material in the form of literary reviews such as Review of Rufus W. Poe], Table of Contents genre and notices, miscellaneous essays, editorial filler and even plate articles. Poe's stories found in these magazines would be considered first appearances of his works. Contained here within are the following titles by Poe: This issue of Graham's was Poe's last as editor. All magazines were serialized and first issued in wraps. Owners would have them bound later. To find any of Poe's works in wraps are quite rare.
A very nice copy. Original half cloth and marbled paper, printed label on front cover. Lacking front fly leaf. Contemporary ownership inscription on titlepage. Minor foxing to plates, internally very clean. An attractive pocket guide for the island of Cuba, including Havana and its surrounding neighborhoods.
Includes tables recording the distances between towns, currency rates, and post schedules. With two plans of Havana and a map of Cuba, as well as several intriguing color plates demonstrating the various flag signals to be posted in the plaza in Havana, each representing a specific message or warning. Notable for both its maps and color plates.
William Reese Company - Americana ]. Handcoloured engraving on J. Whatman paper watermarked From "Illustrations of British Ornithology," the first attempt to produce a set of life-sized illustrations of British birds.
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Issued in parts over a number of years beginning in , with later issues, the work contained 89 plates of land birds and plates of water birds, engraved by William Lizars of Edinburgh. Plate with watermark dated Alan Wofsy Fine Arts ]. Bandes unten beim vorderen Vorsatz und bei Nr. Ein Brief mit eh. April mit zwei kleinen Ausrissen durch Siegelbruch geringf. Kotte Autographs GmbH ]. Opera fondamentale per la storia di Padova, piuttosto rara e stampata in sole copie.
A bit spotted throughout. Contemporary brown pasteboard rebacked, a bit worn. With manuscript ownership inscription dated , bookplate, and manuscript notes of British ornithologist David Bannerman With ink stamp of "P. With contemporary manuscript ownership inscription of German physician and ornithologist Gustav Hartlaub Volume 2 only of 9. The ornithological section from "Historie naturelle des Iles Canaries," vol.
On his way to Brazil, he made what was supposed to be a brief visit to the Canary Islands, but ended up staying for a considerable amount of time and returned after his Brazil expedition. He published his results in the nine-volume "L'Histoire Naturelle des Iles Canaries," of which the present book is one volume, which took 20 years to complete. Sabin Berthelot, a French naturalist and ethnologist who lived part of his life in the Canary Islands, co-authored this work.
The third author, Alfred Moquin-Tandon, was a French naturalist and doctor. Over the course of his career he was professor of zoology at Marseille, professor of botany at Toulouse, studied the plants of the island of Corsica, and served as director of the Jardin des Plantes and the Academie des Sciences in Paris. Edouard Travies , was a great ornithological illustrator. Travies' artistry represents a pinnacle in French ornithological illustration. Natural history, as a descriptive pursuit bent on identifying new species, demanded detailed illustrations.
Throughout his career he concentrated on natural history subjects, both in watercolor he exhibited regularly at the Paris Salon between and and lithography. Unlike a number of his contemporaries, he was an artist both with the brush and on stone. The artist rendered the backgrounds fully, incorporating foliage, flowers, butterflies, as well as the birds themselves, all with considerable charm. For more information about this book, or a warm welcome to see it and other books in our library at 72nd Street, NYC, please contact Megan Scauri, M.
I - pp. II - pp. III - pp. Muy buen estado [Attributes: Falempin, rue d'Autin 14'', sigilli parzialmente conservati. Libreria Antiquaria Pregliasco ]. Fauna Japonica, sive descriptio Animalium, quae in itinere per Japoniam Schlegel pro vertebratis atque W. Leiden, Arnz et Socios, Folio x mm. Disbound, in loose sheets.
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The most important and beautiful publication on the ichthyology of Japan. An incomplete copy of this scarce work. We have the first pages of and of plates. The plain plates were never coloured. The French text is written by C. Though this work was intended to treat of the whole of the Japanese fauna, only the volumes on the Vertebrates and the Crustacea were published.
The authors of the vertebrates were C. Von Siebold was the editor of the 'Fauna Japonica' and did not write any of the volumes himself, though he contributed for instance an important introduction to the volume of the Crustacea" Holthuis, Dates of Publication In he was posted to Japan as a surgeon to the Dutch factory on Deshima. He played a significant role in introducing Japan to the West and in his introduction of Western science to Japan.
Von Siebold was in close contact with the Japanese biologists of his time and was greatly assisted by them in collecting natural history specimens throughout the country. The well-known Japanese artist Kawahara Keiga made beautiful paintings of marine animals, his paintings of fishes were used for illustrating the present fish section of the Fauna Japonica.
No separate title-page was published. The plates are superbly hand-coloured and in mint condition. They belong to the finest plates ever made on fishes. Von Siebold and Fauna Japonica. Chez Aubert et Cie. Fauna Japonica, sive descriptio Animalium, quae in itinere per Japoniam. Von Siebold was the editor of the 'Fauna Japonica' and did not write any of the volumes himself, though he contributed for instance an important introduction to the volume of the Crustacea" Holthuis, Dates of Publication.
Von Siebold was the most important western scientist who stayed in Japan.
Lugduni Batavorum, Arnz, Later blue cloth, gilt lettered spine. The mammalia section of this famous work on the fauna of Japan. Siebold was the first western scientist to fully explore the fauna of Japan. The first work was published in 4 parts, the last part pp. The famous Japanese wolf is shown on plate 9. Philipp Franz von Siebold was the most important European scientist who almost single handedly put Japanese studies on the European academic map. Large-4to x mm.
With engraved plates and 1 large folding map the 4 maps are put together. Contemporary half calf, spines with gilt lines and lettering, marbled sides very slightly rubbed. A fine complete copy of this very scarce flora of the Near East from Greece eastward to Afghanistan and southward to Abyssinia. Texier , the archeologist, to Asia Minor. On his return Jaubert decided to publish illustrations of the new and little known species of plants he had collected, with some collected by earlier travellers The best botanical artists of Paris - J.
All beautifully and accurately drawn and engraved. Historically the most interesting are a number by Claude Aubriet Jaubert planned and directed the work and even wrote part of the text, but most of this was done by Edouard Spach" Journal Soc. Opere scelte di Antonio Canova. Dadurch wird der Druckrand weitestgehend geschont. Deutsch Gewicht in Gramm: On his return Jaubert decided to publish illustrations of the new and little known species of plants he had collected, with some collected by earlier travellers. Historically the most interesting are a number by Claude Aubriet.
Spine shows rubbing and wear but complete, original covers worn at extremities. Single-tint lithographic title page and 25 similar highly detailed plates, lithographic dedication leaf, letter press leaf of descriptions printed in blue in double column - all original guard-sheets in place. One of the finest illustrated books on Afghanistan, the plates depicting a selection of superb views on the march - Bolan Pass, Quetta, Khojak Pass, Kandahar, and Kabul.
He was "relieved in the ordinary course of routine shortly after the surrender of Dost Mohammad" and returned to Bengal in "and thus escaped the fate which awaited the army of occupation". Atkinson retired in , and died in London in The renderings are skillfully composed, detailed and sensitively colored. Abbey Travel ; Colas ; Lipperheide ; Tooley Angler an der oberen Isar bei Lenggries. Verlag von Friedrich Vieweg und Sohn, Braunschweig 1. Original brown cloth, stamped in blind and gilt, expertly recased, preserving original gilt spine title.
Bookplate on front pastedown.