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Table of contents
- Queiroz, Teixeira de 1848-1919
- A nossa gente,
- Full text of "Portuguese literature"
- Um jornal a serviço do Brasil
Agora vai ser a hora de os democratas criticarem o gasto. O Congresso vai impedir algumas maluquices. Trump vai recorrer a empresas terceirizadas para fazer essas obras. A pobreza extrema foi reduzida em quase todo o mundo, ao mesmo tempo em que a expectativa de vida e a renda subiram. Essa seria afetada por produtos e equipamentos chineses mais caros.
Os economistas deveriam falar a verdade, sem simplificar demais. No curto prazo, o PIB pode subir, mas o que acontece a longo prazo? Pedro, Conde de Barcellos, long had a reputation as a poet almost equal to that of his father, owing to the association of his name with the Cancioneiro ; but of his ten poems six C. It was as a prose-writer and editor of the Livro de Linhagens that he worthily carried on the literary tradition of King Dinis.
The next two centuries redressed the balance in the favour of prose. The victory of Aljubarrota made it possible to carry on the national work begun by King Dinis — the preparation of Portugal's resources for a high destiny. In this constructive process literature was not forgotten, and indeed its deliberate encouragement, as though it were an industry or a pine-forest, may account for the fact that it consisted mainly of prose — chronicles, numerous translations from Latin, Spanish, and other languages, works of religious or practical import.
Adolpho Coelho, A Lingua Portugiieza , p. King Dinis had encouraged translation into Portuguese, and among other works his grandfather King Alfonso the Learned's Cronica General was translated by his order. The only edition that we have, Historia Geral de Hespanha , is cut short in the reign of King Ramiro cap. Thus we have thirteenth- or fourteenth-century fragments of the rules of S, Bento, Fragmentos de uma versdo antiga da regra de S.
Bento, with its traces of a Latin original e. The translation is close ; the style foreshadows that of the Leal Conselheiro. The importance of these and other fragmentary versions of the Bible, in which there can rarely be a doubt as to the meaning of the words, is obvious. Extracts from the Vida de Eufrosina and the Vida de Maria Egipcia, published in by Jules Cornu from the manuscripts formerly in the Monastery of Alcobaga, now in the Torre do Tombo, show that they were written in vigorous if primitive prose 14th c.
A Lenda dos Santos Barlaam e Josaphat is perhaps a little later end of the fourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth century. E matou a grande serpente dallagoa de lerne que auja sete cabegas. E persegujo as pias filhas de finees que Ihe aujd odio e o querid desherdar. E foy CO jaasson o que adusse o velloso dourado da ylha de colcos. The Vida de Santo Aleixo also exists in two codices belonging to the middle and beginning of the fifteenth century, and Dr.
Esteves Percira, who pub- lished the latter, considers that the variants point to an earlier manuscript of the beginning, of the fourteenth or end of the thirteenth century.grandaweek.co.uk/wicked-caprice-mills-boon-vintage-90s.php
Queiroz, Teixeira de 1848-1919
To about the same period i4th-i5th c. Both literature and philology are interested in the early fifteenth-century work printed by Dr. Leite de Vasconcellos from the manuscript in the Vienna HoJ- bibliothek: The earliest entry of the Cronica Breve do Archivo Nacional is dated , and both it and the Cromcas Breves e memorias avulsas de Santa Cruz de Coimbra are laconic annals of the first kings of Portugal, a few lines covering a whole reign. The Livro da Noa de Santa Cruz de Coimbra is an extract from the Livro das Heras of the same convent, and is, as the latter title indicates, a similar simple chronicle of events by years.
From to the end they are exclusively Portuguese. The Cronica da Ordem dos Frades Menores is a fifteenth- century Portuguese translation of a fourteenth-century Latin chronicle, and has been carefully edited by Dr. Tello 15th c , and the Vida de S. Isabel, the Queen-consort of King Dinis earlier 15th c , are ' historical ' biographies ' Cf. Era de mil e quatrocentos e quatro desoito dias do ntez de Junho tremeo a terra ao serao muy rijamente e foi por espafo que disserum u Pater tres vezes.
Here at last was some one with will and power to make the dry bones live. Of the four that have come down to us the Livro Velho is a jejune family register iith-i4th c. Pedro, represents the lost original of the Livro de Linhagens of D. Pedro, Conde de Barcellos - The Nobiliario do Conde has been shown by Alexandre Herculano, who printed it from the manuscript in the Torre do Tombo, to be the work of various authors extending over more than a century i3th-i4th , the Conde de Barcellos being but one of them.
Pedro em seu livro is as natural as the mention of Innocencio da Silva in a later volume of his great dictionary. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos, it has rendered invaluable service in reconstructing the lives of the thirteenth-century poets. Many other allusions, both earlier and later, to the Breton cycle, the matiere de Bretagne, are to be found in early Portuguese literature: In the fourteenth century many in Portugal were baptized with the name of Lancelot, Tristan, and Percival ; and Nun' Alvarez chose Galahad for his model, and came as near realizing his ideal as may be given to mortal man.
In Gil Vicente's time the name Percival had already descended to the sphere of the peasants: Whether they were incorporated in the Cancioneiro from a Portuguese Tristam earlier than the Spanish version ? It was but natural that a Celtic people living by the sea, delighting in vague legends and in foreign novelties, should have felt drawn towards these misty tales of love and wandering adventure, which carried them west as far as Cornwall and Ireland, and also East, through the search for the Holy Grail.
It was natural that they should undergo their influence earlier and more strongly than their more direct and more national neighbours the Castilians, whose clear, definite descriptions in the twelfth- century Poema del Cid would send those legends drifting back to the dim regions of their birth.
Even to-day connexion with and sympathy for Ireland is far commoner in Galicia than in any other part of Spain. Unhappily, most of the early Portuguese versions of the Breton legends have been lost. The probability that these were written in Portuguese, not in Spanish, is increased by the survival of A Historia dos Cavalleiros da Mesa Redonda e da Demanda do Santo Graall, as yet only partially published from the manuscript in the Vienna Hofbibliothek.
It was written probably in the fourteenth century, perhaps at the end of the thirteenth, although the Vienna manuscript is more recent and belongs to the fifteenth century, in which the work was referred to by the poet Rodriguez de la Camara. Michaelis de Vasconcellos, Cancioneiro da Ajuda, ii. They are called lais, layx C. Traces of French remain in its prose. The only others that we have in print are ' the Estorea de Vespeseano and the Livro de Josep ah Arimatia, the manuscript of which was discovered in the nineteenth century in the Torre do Tombo.
This, in the same way as the Demanda do Santo Graall, is a later i6th c. It was also known formerly as Destroygam de Jerusalem. Esteves Pereira believes that the Spanish edition is a retranslation from the Portuguese text originally translated from the Spanish. Tennyson's revival of the Arthurian legend in England evoked no corresponding interest in Portugal in the nineteenth century, and the primitive and touching story as published in has left Sir Percival in the very middle of an adventure for over a generation.
The descent of the Amadis romances from the noble ideal of chivalry of King Arthur's Court is obvious, but their exact pedigree, the date and nationality of the first ancestor of the Amadis who is still with us, has been the subject of some little contention. The successor of Lancelot, Galahad, and Tristan as a fearless and loyal knight, he early won his way in the Peninsula ; he was spared by the priest and barber in the Don Quixote scrutiny, and now when Vives' ' pestiferous books ',1 those ' serious follies ', are no longer read widely, he has received a new span of immortality as a corpse of Patroclus between the contending critics.
The problem of the date and authorship has become more fascinating than the book. Champions for Spain and Portugal come forward armed for the fight: Henry Thomas holds the scales. The ground is thick with their arrows. And beneath them all lies the simple ingenuous story as retold by Garci Rodriguez de Montalvo in or immediately after and published in , still worth reading for its freshness and for its clear good style, which Braunfels, following up the praise in Juan de Valdes' Didlogo de la Lengua [c- , declared could not be a translation.
Caelistina laena, nequitiarum parens, career amorum: A Portuguese Tristan may have existed, a Portuguese original of Tirant lo Blanch less probably, although Pedro Juan Martorell, who began it in the Valencian or Lemosin a ii de Giner de lany , declares that he had not only translated it from English into Portuguese but mas encara from Portuguese into Valencian. He dedicated it to the molt illustre Princep Ferdinand of Portugal. Very prob- ably the fame and origin of Amadis accounted for this 'English' original, as mythical as the Hungarian origin of Las Sergas de Esplandian, and for its alleged translation into Portuguese.
The words in this Prdlogo of his Amadis , que hasta aqiii no es memoria de ninguno ser visto, refer not to the fourth book but to Montalvo's Sergas de Esplandian, which is conveniently replaced by dots in T. Braga, Questoes , p. Naturally we are curious to know what these antiguos originales were, but the question did not arise in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries: Evidently Amadis was enjoyed both in Spain and Portugal. It is mentioned in the middle of the fourteenth century in the Spanish translation, by Johan Garcia de Castrogeriz, of Egidio Colonna's De regimine principum, at the very time, that is, when the Spanish poet and chronicler, Pero Lopez de Ayala , was reading Amadis in his youth.
This is one of the most definite early references to Amadis, but of course reference to the book by a Spaniard does not necessarily imply that it was written in Spanish, and indeed some of the vaguer allusions may refer to a French or Anglo-French original. The most frequent Spanish references occur in the Cancionero de Baena, which was compiled in the middle of the fifteenth century, at a period, that is, which the last Galician lyrics written in Spain connected with the time when all eyes were turned to Portuguese as the universal language of Peninsular lyrics.
Because the Portuguese language was used throughout Spain in lyric poetry, it is sometimes argued as if the Portuguese had no prose, could only sing. The more real division was not between verse and prose but between the Portuguese lyrical love literature and the Spanish epic battle literature, and the early romances of chivalry, although written in prose, belong essentially to the former. The prose rubrics of the Portuguese Cancioneiros and the Poetica of the Cancioneiro Colocci- Brancuti are sufficient to dispel this delusion.
A nossa gente,
Whether this Poetica be contemporary 13th c. It was probably when he was a prisoner after the battle of Aljubarrota that he wrote the Rimado de Palacio, in which st. Miguel Leite Ferreira's statement that Amadis is contemporary with the lyrics is therefore remarkable. He says that the archaic time of King Dinis language of the two sonnets — Bom Vasco de Loheira and Vinha Amor pelo campo trebelhando — written by his father, Antonio Ferreira , is the same as that in which Vasco de Lobeira wrote Amadis of Gaul. We know that King Dinis encouraged not only lyric poetry but also translations into Portuguese prose, but all the early Portuguese prose works are assigned to the fourteenth, not the thirteenth century.
One of the earliest, the Demanda do Santo Graall, the language of which bears a close relation to that of the Cancioneiros, still belongs to the fourteenth century. Probably the later development of prose misled Leite Ferreira into making fourteenth-century prose contemporary with thir- teenth-century verse. The Infante whom he here on the strength of the passage in Montalvo's Amadis identifies with the son of King Dinis, not with the earlier Prince Afonso [c. If the first Peninsular version of Amadis was composed in Portuguese in the middle of the fourteenth century, it may have been eagerly read as a novelty by Lopez de Ayala.
There is no means of deciding with certainty whether Lopez de Ayala and Ferrus read Amadis in Spanish or in Portuguese, but there are inherent probabilities in favour of Portuguese. Melancholy in- cidents, sentimental phrases and tears occur on nearly every page. Some critics even discern traces of Portuguese in the language. It is noteworthy that while in Spanish it had been attributed to many persons, in Portugal tradition has persistently hovered round the name of Lobeira.
Unfortunately the Lobeira authorship has given far more trouble than that of prince, Jew, or saint in Spain. Zurara, basing his statement on an earlier fifteenth-century authority, in a perfectly genuine passage of his Cronica do Conde D. In the next century Dr. According to Nunez de Leam, Vasco de Lobeira was knighted on the field of Aljubarrota , according to Fernam Lopez he was already a knight in Soledad certainly occurs in the first three books more frequently than in other Spanish prose.
The Portuguese atmosphere is altogether absent in Las Sergas. Livra d' Amadis, como quer que soomentc este fosse feito a prazer de hum homem que se chamava Vasco Lobeira em tempo d' El Rev Dam Fernando, sendo todalas cousas do dito Liiiro fingidas do Autor. This passage is, however, absent in the earliest manuscript. The year of his death, given as , is quite uncertain.
Scares de Brito in the Theatrum fornxs no independent opinion: Floruit tempore Fernandi Regis. Nicolds Antonio , Bib. If he Hved on through the reigns of Pedro I and Fernando , and acquired new distinction in battle in the reign of the latter, this might account for Zurara's assertion that he wrote Amadis in the reign of Fernando.
But the chief obstacle to the authorship of Vasco is the existence in the Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti Nos. It would seem then that Joan, not Vasco, wrote Amadis. But does the existence of the poem entail that of a prose romance? The early mention of Tristan, e.
May we not accept the poem, written in the stirring metre, dear to men of action, used by Alfonso X C. Osiendere autem Lusitanos Amadisium hunc Lusitane loquentem, uti Castellani Castel- lanum ostendunt, ins et aequum esset in dubia re ne verbis tantum agerent. The challenge in the last sentence is of interest, as coming in date between the two statements by Leite Ferreira and the Conde da Ericeira asserting the existence of the Portuguese text.
The threefold authorship of this family heirloom is even more cruu de creer than the theory that a single Lobeira — Vasco — wrote it in the middle of the fourteenth century. Moreover, if the Portuguese adaptation of an Anglo-French legend had been even remotely as developed as the form in which we now have it, the Infante Afonso must have seen at once that the faith- fulness of Amadis was absolutely essential to the story.
But especially the fact that the Portuguese Cancioneiros, familiar with Tristan and the matiere de Bretagne, are silent on the subject of Amadis is significant. Portugal was writing in Spanish. And in one instance at least we have an early Portuguese prose work of the first importance, the Demanda do Santo Graall, which with its gallicisms can by no stretch of imagination be accounted a version from the Spanish, It is plainly legitimate to hold that the story of Amadis was first reduced to book form in the Peninsula in precisely the same way as was the story of Galahad, i.
Nor would the Portuguese, for all their familiarity with the story and topography of the Breton cycle, be likely to compose original works dealing with Vindilisora Windsor or Bristoya Bristol. Unhappily, however deep may be our conviction a conviction which stands in no need of antedating Hebrew versions of the Amadis that the Peninsular A7nadis was originally Portuguese, it has now ceased to belong to Portuguese literature ; another instance, if we may beg the question, of the gravitation to Spain. The Portuguese text, of which a copy, according to Leite Ferreira, existed in the library of the Duques de Aveiro in the sixteenth century , and, according to the Conde da Ericeira, in the library of the Condes de Vimieiro in the seventeenth , is still missing, as it was in Portuguese history, with its heroic achievements such as the conquest of Algarve, seems to have begun just too late to be the subject of great anonymous epics, or rather the temperament of the Portuguese people eschewed them.
Of five poems, long believed to be the earliest examples of Portuguese verse but no longer accepted by any sane critic as genuine, only one belongs to epic poetry. This Poema da Cava or da Perda de Espanha was an infant prodigy indeed, since it was supposed to have been written in oitavas in the eighth century. Fascination, of a different kind, attaches also to the fifth: No figueiral figueiredo, no figueiral entrei: It has been several times reprinted: Barreto, Orlografia , p. Its simple repetitions have a haunting rhythm, but they are perhaps a Httle too emphatic.
The impression is that its author had been struck by the repetitions in songs heard oji the hps of the people, perhaps crooned to him in his infancy cf. One early epic poem Portugal undoubtedly possessed, the Poema da Batalha do Salado, by Afonso Giraldez, who himself probably took part in the battle The subject of the poem is the same as that of the Spanish Poema de Alfonso Onceno, but whether its treatment was similar we cannot say, as only forty lines of the Galician-Portuguese poem survive.
Since the authorship of the Spanish poem is doubtful and its rhymes run more naturally in Galician than in Spanish, the theory has arisen, among others, that Rodrigo Yannez, whose name perhaps denotes a connexion with Galicia, merely trans- lated the poem of Afonso Giraldez. But against this it is argued that Yannez or Eanez was a Galician or wrote Galician lyrics there are several poets of that name in the Cancioneiro da Vaticana , and when called upon to compose an epic — for Spain a late epic — chose Castilian, the traditional language of such poetry, and in executing his design found that his enthusiasm had outrun his knowledge of Castilian.
Since the battle was fought in Spain it would be considered in Brandao's day a proper subject for a romance, but would be noticeable as being written in Galician. Castilian was throughout the Peninsula regarded as the fitting medium for the romance, as for its father the epic, just as, a century earlier, Galician was the universal ' SeeGrundriss, p.
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Fitzmau rice- Kelly, Litterature Espagnole, ed. The best-known instance is Gil Vicente's fine poem wMy sentido y galan as the editor says of D. Duardos e Flerida, which only belongs to Portuguese literature through the excellent ' translation of the Cavalheiro dc Oliveira ', among whose papers Garrett pro- fessed to have found it.
Full text of "Portuguese literature"
Portugal possessed no epic cantares de gesta of her own, had not therefore the stuff out of which the romances were formed, and the birth of the romance coincided with the predominance of Spanish influence in Spain. It is therefore surprising to find in Portugal a large number of romances unconnected with Spain, the explanation being that, having accepted with characteristic enthusiasm the new thing imported from abroad, the Portuguese turned to congenial themes, of love, religion, and adventure. Had the romances been elaborated in the same way as in Spain, we might have expected a large number of anonymous Portuguese romances dealing with the Breton cycle, and indeed with early Portuguese history, so rich in heroic incidents.
The fact that this is not the case and the number of romances collected in Tras-os-Montes alike point to their Spanish origin, while their frequency in the Azores denotes how popular they became later in Portugal. In the sixteenth century their Spanish character was recognized.
The poor escudeiro in Eufrosina is bidden go to Spain to gloss romances, and in the seventeenth century, as a passage in Mello's Fidalgo Aprendiz well shows, they were better liked if written in Spanish. The partiality for Spanish applied to poetry of other kinds, and Manuel de Galhegos says that it is a bold venture to publish poetry in Portuguese.
It is therefore noteworthy that the nurse in Gil Vicente sings romances in Spanish. Rodriguez Lobo, Primavera ed. More persuasive is the theory, developed by D. However that may be, the fact that ro? True historical romances the Portu- guese did not possess, unless we are to consider that certain lines which occur in Vicente's parody of Yo me estaha alia en Coimbra, in Garcia de Resende's Trovas, and elsewhere, are echoes of a Portuguese romance on the death of Ines de Castro.
These Portuguese romances or xacaras in the Azores estorias and aravias often differ from the Spanish in a certain vagueness of outline and sentimental tone. They are frequently of considerable length. Many of them are undoubtedly of popular origin and have a large number of variants in different parts of the country. If 1 Hist, da Liu. Romances velhos de Portugal, Madrid, The expression romance velho in the sixteenth century may mean a romance that has gone out of fashion. Hei os de todos grosar Ainda que sejam velhos. Antigo may similarly mean ' antiquated ' rather than ancient.
Barros, Grammatica, ed. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos considers that the romances came from Spain to Portugal at the latest in the third quarter and perhaps in the first half of the fifteenth centu ry. Renins, the lines are Polos campos do Mondego Cavaleiros vi somar. The second edition of Dr. Theophilo Braga's Romanceiro runs to nearly two thousand pages.
Um jornal a serviço do Brasil
The first two volumes contain over romances together with numerous variants. Of these 5 belong to the Carolingian, 8 to the Arthurian cycle, 63 are romances sacros or ao divino, 11 treat of the cruel husband or unfaithful wife. In the third volume are reprinted romances composed by well-known Portuguese authors of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It must be admitted that Spain generously repaid to Portugal the loan of the Galician language for lyrical composition — although in each case it was the lender's literature that profited especially if some of the most beautiful Spanish romances were the work of Galician or Portuguese poets.
But even after the birth of the romance Spain continued to cultivate the Galician lyric, until the second half of the fifteenth century. The last instance is sup- posed to be a Galician poem by Gomez Manrique , uncle of the author of Recuerde el alma dormida, No. This collection, published by Professor Lang at the suggestion of D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos, contains the meagre crop of Portuguese verse of the transition period from to , meagre in quality and quantity. One name dominates the period. N amor ado, idolo de los amantes, gave him a renown similar to but far exceeding that of D.
Joan Soarez de Paiva in the preceding century. Of his story we know definitely nothing, but some lines in one of his poems. So Moraes transforms Mile de Macy's name into Mansi. Imprisoned at Arjonilla in Andalucia for paying court to his sennora, he continued to address her in song and was killed by the lance that her infuriated husband hurled through the prison window. In an older version, that of the Constable D. Pedro in his Satira de felice e infelice vida, he saved the lady of his heart from drowning, and afterwards, as he lingered where she had stood, was struck down by the jealous husband.
Enrique de Villena , who was perhaps only six when Macias died. Clearly his fame would act as a strong magnet to poems of uncertain origin. The matter is of the less importance in that these poems, however love-sick, have but little literary merit. If the Galician Juan Rodriguez de la Camara, a native, like Macias, of Padron, was the real author of the romance of Conde Arnaldos which is improbable , he was a far greater poet than his' friend. Both the lyrics and the prose of his El Sieruo lihre de Amor are in Castilian.
The latter, a knight well known at the Court of King Ferdinand and an ancestor of Luis de Camoes, played a leading part in the troubles preceding the battle of Aljubarrota, He had come to Portugal from Galicia, and his name appears frequently in the pages of Fernam Lopez where it is written Caamooes till the year In the middle of the sixteenth century he is mentioned by Sa de Miranda's brother- in-law as a Court poet corresponding to Juan de Mena in Spain.
Besides Macias the Cancioneiro Gallego-Castelhano contains the names of sixteen writers whose poems may not attain high distinction but prove that the Galician lyiic continued to be cultivated by poets in the fourteenth and first half of the fifteenth century in Castille and Leon, Aragon and Catalonia. In his farewell poem A Deus Amor, a Deus el Ret, which Cervantes perhaps remembered, he bids good bye to the trohadores con quen trobei, and in a quaint humorous testament he mentions a number of friends and relatives, two of whom, at least, his cousin Pedro de Valcacer or Valcarcel and Lope de Porto Carreiro, also wrote verse.
In the last of the sixteen stanzas [ahhacca] of this testamento the Archdeacon appoints his namesake Gongalo Rodriguez de Sousa and Fernan Rodriguez to be his executors. He may have been alive in , for a Doctor Gongalo Rodriguez, Archdeacon of Almazan, is mentioned as one of the witnesses to the oath taken by the city of Burgos to the Infante Maria in that year. Having married one of King Juan I's dancing girls [una juglara in the belief that she was rich, he repented when he found que non tenia nada. He next became a hermit near Gerena, and, this not proving more congenial than married poverty, he embarked ostensibly for the Holy Land, but in fact landed at Malaga with his wife and children.
At Granada he turned Moor, satirized the Christian faith, and deserted his wife for her sister. Madrid, , p. The name was a common one. There was also a fourteenth-century poet called Ruiz de Toro. But for all his weakness and folly he seems not to have sunk utterly out of the reach of finer feelings ; he sang various episodes of his life, e. This Castilian Court poet, born at Villasandino near Burgos and possessed of property at Illescas, was of a sleeker and more subservient mind than Garci Ferrandez and prospered accord- ingly, en onra t en ben e en alto estado.
He wrote to order and was considered the ' crown and king of all the poetas e trovadores who had ever existed in the whole of Spain '. This extravagant claim of his admirers need not prevent us from recognizing that there is often real feeling and music in his poems, of which the Cancionero de Baena has preserved over twenty. He writes in varying metres with unfailing ease and harmony, rarely sinks into mere verbal dexterity, and well deserves to be considered the best of these later Galician poets.
Side by side with the lyric the cantiga d'escarnho continued to flourish. Five fragmentary poems belong to the Infante D. Pedro , Constable of Portugal. There are, besides his three short Portuguese poems in the Cancioneiro de Resende, only forty- one lines in all, for while Galician, already separated from her twin sister of Portugal, went to sleep — a sleep of nearly four centuries — in these last accents of her muse preserved in the Cancionero de Baena, the Infante Pedro turned definitely to the new forms of lyric appearing in Castille.
As a transition poet he may be mentioned here before his father D. Pedro, Duke of Coimbra, since his prose works, which would naturally place him with his father and with D. Duarte, his uncle, belong. By stress of circumstance rather than any set purpose he inaugurated the fashion of writing in Castilian, a fashion so eagerly taken up by his fellow-countrymen during the next two centuries. His life of thirty-seven years was thus as full of wandering adventure as that of any troubadour of old.
To him Santillana addressed his celebrated letter on the development of poetry, and his own influence on Portuguese literature was important, for he introduced not only a new style of poetry, including oitavas de arte maior, but the habit of classical allusion and allegory. His first work, Satira de felice e infelice vida, was written in Portuguese before he was twenty, but re-written by himself in Castilian, the only form in which it has survived.
This firstfruit of his studies was dedicated to his sister, Queen Isabel, whose death he mourned in his Tragedia de la Insigne Reyna Dona Isabel , a work of deep feeling and some literary merit, first published by D.
Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos years after Queen Isabel's death. His longest and most important poem, in octaves, Coplas del menosprecio e contempto de las cosas fertnosas del mundo , reflects the misfortunes of his life and the high philosophy they had brought him. Under a false attribution to his father, the Duke of Coimbra - his Portuguese poems were also wrongly ascribed to King Peter I of Portugal, through confusion with the later King Peter, of Aragon , it was incorporated in the Cancioneiro de Resende, which appeared half a century after the Constable's death.
Philippa de Lencastre , lived in retirement in the convent of Odivellas near Lisbon, and as a dedicatory poem to her translation of the Gospels wrote the simple, impressive lines beginning Non vos sirvo, nnn vos amo, Mas desejo vos amar. Ribeiro dos Santos, Obras MS. Pedro, filho do Snr. In reality he was not gifted with greater poetical talent than his brothers. He had himself seen Nun' Alvarez as a young man and the heroes who had fought in a hundred fights to free their country from a foreign yoke, and he had listened to many a tale of Lisbon's sufferings during the great siege.
His work at the Torre do Tombo covered a period of over thirty years. The last document signed by Lopez as official is dated ; in July he seems to have resigned his position at least temporarily, and on June 6, , he was definitely superseded by Zurara as being ' so old and. It appears from a document presented by Dr. Pedro de Azevedo at a meeting of the Sociedade Portnguesa de Estudos Historicos in July that his wife's niece was married to a shoe- maker. Needless to say, no English translation of Lopez exists. Joam I - F 82 I weak that he cannot well fulfil the duties of his post '.
That he lived for at least five years more we know from the existence of a document July 3, referring to the pretensions of an illegitimate son of Martinho which Fernam Lopez rejected. The latter is but a brief sketch, and lacks the unity which the subject-matter gives to the other two. His chronicles of the seven earlier kings disappeared in the revised versions of subsequent historians.
Although they no doubt incorporated large slices of his work with little alteration, the freshness and the style are gone, the good oak hidden beneath coats of paint. It was a proceeding the more deplorable in that Lopez had been at great pains to discover and record the truth, ' the naked truth '. Whatever sources he utilized, Latin, Spanish, or Portuguese, he stamped his work with his own individuality. He himself frequently refers to previous historians, and often expresses his disapproval of their methods.
V arias Antigvidades de Portugal , cap. Lopez' preface to his Cr. Oo com quamto cuidado e diltgemfia vimos gramdes vollumes de livros, de desvai- radas lingtiagees e terras ; e isso meesmo pubricas escprituras de muitos cartarios e otitros logares nas quaaes depois de longas vegilias e gramdes trabalhos mais ertidom aver nom podemos da contheuda em esta obra 19 15 ed.
Da Guerra see Zurara, Cr. Mello refused the governorship of captured Ceuta in 5. A work on a similar subject, Tratado da Milicia, is ascribed to Zurara's friend and patron. King Afonso V Barbosa Machado, i. By the side of the laborious prose and precocious wisdom of King Duarte this child of genius seems to give free rein to his pen, but it is his greatness and his title to rank above all contemporary chroniclers, not only of Portugal but of Europe, that he could combine this spontaneity with the scruples of an accurate historian, and be at once careful and impetuous, or, as Goes calls him, copious and discreet.
Indeed, every sentence is living ; his unfailing qualities are rapidity and directness. Sometimes the sound of galloping horses or the loud murmur of a throng of men is in his pages. Joam, 5 ed. Certo he que quaaesquer estorias muito melhor se entemdem e nembram se som perfeitamente e hem hordenadas ; Cr. Nada hay seme j ante en las liter atur as extranjeras antes de fin del siglo xv. The words apply more accurately to Fernam Lopez.
F2 84 vivid scenes — King Pedro dancing through his capital by night, the escape of Diogo Lopez, the punishment of D. Ines' mur- derers, the siege of Lisbon, the murder of D. Maria Tellez — but describe fully and with skilful care the character of the actors, pleasure-loving King Ferdinand, cunning, audacious, and accomplished Queen Lianor Tellez, wise and noble Queen Philippa, even morose Juan I, and principally the popular Mestre d'Avis and his great Constable, Nun' Alvarez Pereira.
And the Portuguese people is delineated both collectively and as individuals, in its generous enthusiasm, unreasoning impetuo- sity, and atrocious anger. That Lopez paid attention to his style is proved by his modest disclaimer bidding the reader expect no fremosura e afeitamento das pallavras, but merely the facts breve e sdamente contados, em bom e claro estilo.
His style is always clear and natural, the serviceable handmaid of his subject, admirably assuming the colour and sound of the events described, and his longest sentences are never obscure. He wrote his history on a generous scale, for in the rapidity of his descriptions this inimitable story-teller preserved his leisure.
His last chronicle ended with the expedition to Ceuta The kernel of that chronicle had been the illustrious deeds and character of Nun' Alvarez, also described in the hitherto anony- mous Coronica do condestabre de purtugal, of which the earliest edition is dated Esteves Pereira and Snr. Joam, at which he was working in Joam 5 , Inirodufdo, p.
In chapter 55 of the Cronica de D. In chapter ed. But indeed the style of the two works is conclusive. A single age does not produce two Fernam Lopez any more than it produces two Montaignes or two Malorys. Those who read the continuation of the Cronica de D.
Aristotle, Avicenna, and all the Scriptures are in his preface ; Job, Ovid, Hercules, and Xenophon, a motley company, mourn the death of Queen Philippa cap. And if he wishes to say that memory often fails in old age he must quote St. He wrote in Latin: Livro da Guerra de Ceuta Ceuta had been captured so swiftly that ' many had left the corn of their fields stored in their granaries and returned in time for the vintage '. The whole description of the expedition against Ceuta and the attack and sack of the city are extremely clear. He also delights in elaborate metaphors. Nun' Alvarez has faded into the back- ground, but in his place appears the intense and fervent spirit of Prince Henry the Navigator.
His partiality for Prince Henry appears in the Cronica de D. Pedro de Meneses was completed in , and the Cronica dos Feitos de D. Duarte de Meneses about five years later he was not content with the ' recollections of- courtiers ', but set out for Africa August and spent a whole year there gathering material at first hand. His style is less involved than is often said. Some of his sentences may contain as many as words and yet be perfectly plain and straightforward, whereas Mallarme could be obscure in five words. Oo tu principe pouco menos que devinal! This chronicle has the same plethora of learned quotations.
Chapter i quotes St. Pedro de Meneses twice. Joao de Barros, who was inclined to slight earlier and contemporary historians, acknowledges his great debt to Zurara. Damiao de Goes regards him less favourably. Zurara was a Knightof theOrderof Christ, with a comendane2ir Santarem, owned other property, and suffered himself to be adopted by a wealthy furrier's widow, an unusual proceeding for a person in his station. But if, as this indicates, he had a love of riches satisfied by the king's generosity and this fortunate adoption , this in no way interfered with his work of collecting and verify- ing evidence nor affects the truth of his chronicles.
Not he but the taste and fashion of his time was to blame if he laid desecrat- ing hands on the invaluable chronicles of Fernam Lopez, and thus became the ' author ' of the chronicles of the six kings, Sancho I to Afonso IV. He can rise to real eloquence, as in the beginning of cap. He has a misleading trick of saying ' The author says — diz autor ', meaning himself. The immediate successor of Zurara as Cronista MSr was Vasco Fernandez de Lucena, whose life must have coincided almost exactly with the sixteenth century.
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